ALL
folk calendar
ICH Elements 18
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Knowledge and practices related to year seasons
Knowledge and practices related to year seasons are the result of centuries-old observations of nature applied to the life. For many centuries and millennia, people carefully collected folk signs about nature. Every trifle, every natural phenomenon not even significant at first glance, could one day become a reliable harbinger of an important event in human life. Taking into account the relationship between certain natural phenomena, a person remembered them in the form of short acceptances, which over time were transmitted from father to son, from grandfather to grandson. Many of these will not lose their relevance to this day, and some have long passed into the category of superstition.
Uzbekistan -
KHIRPICHOR, Khurpapud, Khurpachur, Gravash
According to traditional folk calendars the Khirpichor ritual is celebrated in January 31. Paople celebrate it as the mark for passing coldness days of winter.
Tajikistan -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Hanjanggun nori(General Han's dance and memorial ceremony)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea The Dano Festival held in Jain-myeon, Gyeongsan-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do is said to originate from a legend handed down in the village. During the Silla and Goryeo Periods, Japanese pirates frequently invaded coastal areas. A military general disguised himself as a woman and danced with his sister and clowns to entice the pirates, thereby winning a victory against the invaders. After his death, villagers built a shrine for him and held a sacrificial rite there on Dano (May 5 on the lunar calendar). During Gyeongsan Jain Danoje, villagers gather together in the square in the center of the market and hold a masquerade parade toward the tomb of the general. Standing right in the front is the bearer of a flag indicating the five directions, followed by one bearing a farm flag, and one carrying a tall (3m high) decorative crown. These are followed by dancing men, Higwangi (a character), a man disguised as a woman, military slaves, officers, cannon troops, gisaeng (female entertainers), troops, petty officials, a wide sun screen, the military commander, and the commander’s lieutenants. The paraders go around the tomb and return to the village square, while officiants hold a sacrificial rite at the tomb. The masquerade parade is a feature that distinguishes Gyeongsan Jain Danoje from other folk festivals. The dance movements are also unique. Lying at the heart of the festival is people’s deep-rooted respect for a person who protected their village. ※ Change in the name of the event (General Han Play → Gyeongsan Jain Danoje in March 2007)
South Korea -
Chhau dance
Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.
India 2010 -
Kar-mey: Butter lamp Offering
Karmey: (Butter lamp Offering) during A-shey Lhamo Dance is an indigenous tradition practiced exclusively by women in the communities of Shingkhar, Somthrang, Pangkhar and Ura in Ura Gewog (block), Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). Colloquially, Karmey means offering butter lamps in all temples and monasteries in and around these communities. The element is closely related to an annual offering of Saang (smoke offering), popularly known as A-shey Lhamo which is normally conducted from 8th and 9th day of the 7th month of the lunar calendar. The Karmey program is the last and concluding event of the three-day A-shey Lhamo festival which is held on the 10th day of the 7th month coinciding the birth anniversary of Guru Padsambava. The origin of Karmey is identical to that of A-shey Lhamo, although A-shey Lhamo is considered a Bon-kar (transformed Bon practices) and the other explicitly a Buddhist tradition. The establishment of the A-shey Lhamo festival dates back to the reign of Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler) of the Ura community, not long before the advent of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th and 11th centuries. It is said that the misfortune of shey-ned (diarrhoeal infection) spread among the children of the Ura community, and to cure such epidemic diseases, Dung Lhawang Drakpa introduced the performance of the A-shey Lhamo dance, an offering to appease the female local deity on the eighth and ninth days of the seventh month of the lunar calendar. For most Bon practitioners throughout the country, this is a special day when they make confirmation offerings to their respective deities and ask for blessings of peace and happiness for the individual as well as for the entire community, country and all sentient beings in the world. According to older members of these communities, they have noticed a decline and disappearance of this ancient practice over the years. They say that they remember crowds of women from communities like Ura, Pangkhar, Somthrang and even Singkhar singing and running to all the temples and monasteries to offer butter lamps and tshogs (offerings) and perform melodious folk dances right after the A-shey Lhamo festival was celebrated. There are also some native songs and dances that are sung and performed only on Karmey Day. It is believed that after the annual offering to the A-shey Lhamo deities according to the Bon Kar tradition, people also wanted to observe the Buddhist way of offering to the scattered temples and monasteries, which falls exactly on the 10th day of the month, which is revered as the birthday of Guru Padsambava, one of the highly revered saints who introduced Vajrayana Buddhism in the mid-8th century. However, over time, the villages of Somthrang and Pangkhar have discontinued this tradition along with the performance of A-shey Lhamo, and today Shingkhar and Ura are the only two communities that follow and maintain this tradition.
Bhutan -
Yeongsan Soemeori Daegi (Wooden Bull Fight of Yeongsan)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea On the occasion of the event, the village is divided into two sides: those living in the east section of the village and those living in the west. The winning side will reportedly enjoy better harvest in the year. The play used to be performed around the full moon period of January 15 on the lunar calendar; now, however, it is performed along with a tug-of-war competition during the March 1 Cultural Festival, held to commemorate the independence movement carried out with the locals in Yeongsan, which played a leading role during the colonial period. The event is said to have started from the wish to stop the evil power of the two nearby mountains, i.e., Yeongchuksan and Jagyaksan (also called Hambaksan), which look like two bulls confronting each other. With the approach of January 15 on the lunar calendar, villagers flock to a nearby mountain and fell a 10m-tall tree. A pyramid-shaped structure is made using a log and straw rope that people will carry on their shoulder, with the leader of the team, together with two lieutenants, standing at the top of it, giving command to fight the opponent. A wooden carved bull head or a mask is put on the top of the structure. Prior to the commencement of the battle, farmers’ music is played to create a delightful atmosphere. The team that makes the opponent’s bull head fall to the ground wins. Yeongsan Soemeori Daegi is a local folk play performed to pray for good harvest.
South Korea -
Bukcheong Saja Noreum (Lion Mask Dance of Bukcheong)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea People in Bukcheong, Hamgyeongnam-do (in North Korea) engaged in a folk play, wearing lion masks on the night of the full moon of January 15 on the lunar calendar thinking that a lion, a powerful animal, could drive away evil spirits for them. Lion-masked people from neighboring villages gathered together and competed with one another. Since the team from Toseong-ri, Cheonghae-myeon, Bukcheong-gun did better than the others, the play gradually disappeared in the other villages. The mask play had come to secure its rightful place among Koreans since the Three Kingdoms Period. Those from the North continued to play it, mostly in Seoul. The mask play was started with young people carrying torches on the night of January 14 and was continued until the daybreak of the following morning. On January 16, they would pay visits to the houses of well-to-do people as prearranged. Upon entering the property, they would go around the courtyard in a line and start dancing. Then, a lion-masked person would join them. The “lion” would go into the inner room and the kitchen and make a gesture of eating someone alive. Then, the lion would return to the courtyard and engage in a lively dance. The lion would make a big bow to the deities kept in the house as requested by the owner of the house. When the lion would pretend to fall down exhausted, people would call an eminent monk to energize it by reciting a phrase of Buddhist scripture or have an herbal doctor apply acupuncture. Upon regaining strength, the lion would dance again with all the others. Participants included those acting as yangban (noblemen), a freakishly tall person, a humpback, a petty local government official, a dancing boy, a dancing woman, a monk, an herbal doctor, a scholar, etc. The dancing boy, the dancing woman, the monk, the herbal doctor, and the scholar appeared without wearing a mask. The musical instruments used were tungso (six-holed vertical bamboo flute), buk (drum), jing (large gongs), and janggo (hourglass-shaped drum). A mask dance performed in Bukcheong often uses tungso as a main instrument while samhyeon yukgak (three strings and six wind instruments) is used in Gyeonggi-do and kkwaenggwari (small gong) in Gyeongsang-do. The owners of the house would have their children ride on the back of the lion based on the belief that it would make them live longer. Money or grains donated by the houses visited by the troupe were used as scholarship fund for children from needy families and to subsidize expenses for senior citizen associations and cover the expenses for the lion play. Bukcheong Saja Noreum is focused on merrymaking, featuring movements more powerful than other lion dances.
South Korea -
CHILLA, hisobi chilla, chillashumori
In the Tajik folk culture there are some local calendars which alongside with official calendars playing their functions came from the past till to present days. The Chilla means “Forty days”. According to this calendar a year starts in December 22 with first Chilla “month” named Chillai kalon.
Tajikistan -
Andong Chajeon Nori (Chariot Battle of Andong)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea As a folk play performed in Andong around the full moon period of January 15 on the lunar calendar, it is said to have stemmed from the battles between Gyeon Hwon of Later Baekje and King Taejo (Wang Geon) of Goryeo. Villagers select good trees to be used for the play in nearby mountains toward the end of the preceding year, hold a sacrificial rite for mountain deities, fell them, and carry them to the village. Since the thickness and solidity of the trees are decisive factors of the battle, they work on the trees under tight security to prevent opponents from getting information on the trees. The village is divided into two sides according to their place of birth. On the event day, farmers’ music is played to arouse people’s interest. People stand on their side of the battle and try to discourage the other side by raising the wooden structure they made. The leaders of the two sides stand at the top of the raised structure set up against that of the opponent team. They balance their body by holding the string tied to the top of the structure and give commands to their team. The team that makes the opponent’s wooden structure fall to the ground wins the battle. The beauty of the play lies in the spirit of fair play. If any participant in the play is in danger, both sides immediately back off and get him out of danger before engaging in the battle again. As a mock battle among males, Andong Chajeon Nori displays the martial spirit kept by the people in Andong. It is also a rite of praying for a good year for crops. The winning side will reportedly enjoy better harvest in the year.
South Korea -
Lomba: Indigenous New Year Celebration
Lomba is a popular local New Year celebration observed in the villages of Paro and Haa districts. Lomba is a celebration for the beginning of a New Year, which takes place from the 29th day of the 10th month of the lunar calendar. It is one of the most special annual occasions for the Parops and Haaps, residents of the valleys. The name “Lomba” expresses carrying good luck from one year to another. Ba literally means receiving wealth in one’s hand or to carry something forward, leaving the past behind. Lomba is celebrated by Haaps and Parops as a New Year festival from the 29th day of the 10th month of the lunar calendar. In Haa, Lomba often lasts until the 15th day of the 11th month, while Parops have a shorter celebration until the 2nd day of the 11th month. Although Lomba has been part of the culture of the two valleys for many generations, making it difficult to trace the origin. No specific written text has been found for early observances so far. According to folk understandings, some believe that Lomba began with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo in the 13th century, while some believe that it began much earlier when men started working for food. According to Dasho Sangay Dorji (2011), Lomba observed in Paro and Haa districts may be the legacy of the Lhapas, but in some religious texts, the Lomba celebration dates to an influence from Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594-1651) who consolidated the Bhutanese region into a state in 1649. Himself hailing from Tibet to the north, he first introduced Bhutanese to the celebration of Nyi-lo winter solstice. The day marked the end of the year and welcomed another year of prosperity with bountiful harvest. With adequate food reserve stored on the rooftop, Haaps and Parops began to recognize the day as Lomba and ushered in the beginning of the dry season of winter. Temples and monasteries in the country would have also received the annual provisions of butter, meat, rice and wheat grains on Lomba. Since then, Lomba is celebrated every year, which would make it the earliest New Year festival celebrated in any district of Bhutan.
Bhutan -
Nawrouz, Novruz, Nowrouz, Nowrouz, Nawrouz, Nauryz, Nooruz, Nowruz, Navruz, Nevruz, Nowruz, Navruz
It is the New Year by solar calendar in Central, South and South-West Asia countries. According to sources, Navruz was one of the biggest festivities among Iranian and Turkic peoples. Mahmud al-Kashgari in his work called "Diwanu l-Lugat al-Turk" mentions about many folk songs, which were dedicated to Navruz. Also, the information about Navruz festivity can be found in such works as "The remaining traces of past centuries" (written by Abu Rayhan al-Biruni), "Navruzname" (by Omar Khayyam), and those written by Alisher Navoi, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babur and other scholars. In the territory of Central Asia Navruz festivity was associated with the beginning of the New Year. As such, the preparations for it began several days ahead. Wheat was germinated and from its sprouts sumalak was cooked, dumplings with greens and samosas with mint were prepared. Also folk games were organized (such as horseracing, uloq, kurash, etc.), promenades were arranged, songs about spring were sung, terma and dostons were performed (by bakhshis). On the first day of Navruz children, living in rural areas, gathered in groups and sang songs dedicated to Navruz before the doors of houses. And the owner of the house, hearing these songs, came out, gave presents to children, and treated them with food. In their turn, children distributed one part of the food among widows and orphans living in the village. All these traditions and customs are still alive.
Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,India,Iraq,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Pakistan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2016