ALL
blessing
ICH Elements 84
-
Epic art of Gorogly
The entire epos includes a historical range of the legendary achievements of the ancient national hero of Gorogly and his 40 cavalrymen by recording all major events of traditional lifespan of the Turkmen people. The aspiration of the Turkmen nation for a happy life, unification, freedom and justice as well as their features such as bravery, honesty, partiotism, freindship, tolerance and fairness have been reflected in the epos. The element is a combined genre of oral traditions and performing art incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition, where a prose and poetry are alternated in its perforamnce. Its bearers and practitioners are epic performers-dessanchy bagshy specialized in the Gorogly epic. It is by tradition performed by one dessanchy bagshy playing the dutar (a two stringed, long-necked lute) in a sitting position, while narrating prose and reciting poetry in a way to deliver the characters' feelings and emotions to the accompaniment to the traditional musical instruments such as dutar and gyjak (a fiddle-like Turkmen musical instrument). It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, celebrations, national ceremonies, life rituals, national festivals and special "Folklore Festivals". The element provides related communities with a sense of social and cultural identity and it is considered as a main symbol of Turkmen people to sustain their cultural identity being as an oral encyclopedia and it remains the inexhaustible fountain-head to nurture their cultural psychology, national character, mentality, creative capacity and artistic skills.
Turkmenistan 2015 -
Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet
Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana. Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.
Cambodia 2018 -
Meshrep
Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.
China 2010 -
Customs and rituals related to marriage
Soiko saluu Soiko saluu is an engagement ritual when the young man’s parents and relatives pay visit to the young lady’s house to make a proposal. The groom’s family gives engagement earrings to the bride and bride price to her family called kalyn. Bride price is considered as a gratitude to her parents for raising a woman who will become a wife and mother of future husband’s children. The bride’s side prepares dowry, which includes various household items needed for a newly formed family. It includes felt carpets, cushions, matrasses, etc. Kyz uzatuu Kyz uzatuu is a ritual of seeing off a bride when groom’s party comes to take her to the groom’s house. This ritual takes place before the wedding ceremony. This ritual is conducted by bride’s family and friends. There is also a ritual called arkan tartuu. When the groom’s party is coming to take away the bride, bride’s friends pull the rope across the rope, thus, symbolically blocking the way to the bride’s house. The groom’s party gives gifts and money to people holding ropes, thus, earning a right to pass forward. Nike kyiyuu Nike kyiyuu is the main wedding ceremony. A cup of water is prepared for this ritual. Some sugar is added to water and sometimes a silver coin is placed at the bottom of the cup. After reciting verses from Quran, the newly-wed couple drinks water from the cup. The meaning of sharing water is that a couple agrees to live through thick and thin, life’s ups and downs together. When drinking water, the bride and groom make a wish to be pure as water and live long and happily. By adding sugar, they wish to have a sweet life and coin stands for prosperity. Water is a symbol of purity, eternity and sacredness; that is why it is used in a wedding ceremony. Kyrgyz wedding feasts are big. The number of guests vary depending on family’s income. Nowadays, wedding is done in various styles but all of them have abovementioned traditional rituals. Otko kirgizuu According to Kyrgyz traditions, a newly-wed bride cannot go visit houses of grooms neighbors, relatives and friends. That is why the latter invite the newly-wed bride and her husband to their house. This ritual is called otko kirgizuu. The purpose of this ritual is to get acquainted with a new daughter-in-law. A daughter-in-law can go to this ritual with her husband, mother-in-law or other close relatives. When a bride enters the house, she is supposed to bow to the hosts. The newly-wed bride helps pouring tea and serving food as if she was in her house. The hosts give her their blessings and a gift such as dish set, garment, etc. Only after that, a newly-wed bride can freely come to this house and help around during feasts and rituals. After some time after wedding, the newly-wed bride goes to visit her own family. This visit is called torkuloo. She does not go home on her own but rather with her husband and parents-in-law. There are smaller rituals done within this big ritual. This is considered as otko kirgizuu for the newly-wed groom. Despite the changes happening in a modern society, every custom and a ritual reflects the essence of Kyrgyz people and their culture. These rituals highlight the sanctity of family values and transmitted from generation to generation without coming at odds with current worldviews of Kyrgyz people.
Kyrgyzstan -
Traditional knowledge related to making of ‘Besh barmak’
Beshbarmak is one of the favorite traditional Kyrgyz dishes. Nowadays, none of the feast or festivities can do without preparing beshbarmak. Beshbarmak is boiled lamb cut into very small pieces and mixed with homemade noodles cooked in the lamb broth. It is served with an onion sauce called ‘chyk’ and broth (‘sorpo’). Traditionally beshbarmak is eaten with hands. That is why it is called besh barmak, which literally means five thumbs. When eating meat, guest sit in groups of two or four people. The plate with meat is given to each group. Within each group, the joints with meat are distributed according to the status of each person. Also, some beshbarmak is also left at the bottom of the big plate for those young women and men who were busy running errands outside.
Kyrgyzstan -
Biye baylau (‘tethering mares’) -Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders
Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.
Kazakhstan 2018 -
Kazakh traditional art of Dombra Kuy
Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. The art of DombraKuy refers to a short solo composition performed on a traditional pear-shaped, long-necked, two-stringed, plucked musical instrument known as a dombra. The music aims to connect people to their historic roots and traditions through classical and improvised pieces that engage the audience at a spiritual and emotional level. Public engagement in the performance serves as one of the most important means of social communication between people and contributes to the transfer of knowledge and skills related to Kazakh culture. The music is usually accompanied by narrated stories and legends. It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, holidays and festive celebrations, amid a rich variety of food and musical entertainment. It serves as a vital social and cultural experience, strengthening people’s identity and promoting solidarity and mutual understanding in society. Aspiring and talented musicians are apprenticed to masters from the moment a child demonstrates an interest in the philosophy and virtuosity of traditional music and performance. Amateur musicians then apprentice themselves to other more experienced and talented performers from their region to increase their skills and repertoire.
Kazakhstan 2014 -
Dragon Boat festival
Beginning on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, people of several ethnic groups throughout China and the world celebrate the Dragon Boat festival, especially in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. The festivities vary from region to region, but they usually share several features. A memorial ceremony offering sacrifices to a local hero is combined with sporting events such as dragon races, dragon boating and willow shooting; feasts of rice dumplings, eggs and ruby sulphur wine; and folk entertainments including opera, song and unicorn dances.
China 2009 -
Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdak, art of Kyrgyz traditional felt carpets
Traditional felt carpets represent one of the identity codes of the Kyrgyz people, and their recognizable, ethnographic features are an integral part of Kyrgyz cultural heritage. Kyrgyz people traditionally produce two types of felt carpets: Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdaks. Knowledge, skills, diversity, the semantics of ornaments, and the ceremonies of creating carpets, are all important cultural components. They provide Kyrgyz people with a sense of identity and continuity. Both types of felt carpets are included into the set of a traditional bride’s dowry. Shyrdaks sometimes are gifted for house-warming parties. The making of Kyrgyz felt carpets is inseparably linked with the everyday lifestyle of nomads, who used felt carpets to warm and decorate their homes. Ala-kiyiz are usually placed in the kitchen and the entrance area of the house. Shyrdaks are more complicated to produce and are more expensive, thus they are placed at the honourable part of the dwelling. The felt carpets ornaments reflect their creators’ outlooks and ideas about the Earth, water, mountains, celestial bodies and fertility.
Kyrgyzstan 2012 -
Ak-kalpak craftsmanship, traditional knowledge and skills in making and wearing Kyrgyz men’s headwear
Ak-kalpak is a traditional Kyrgyz felt headwear. Kalpak is appreciated and worn by all men regardless of age and status. Kalpak is one of the most iconic and recognizable elements of the Kyrgyz culture. The word Ak has several connotations in Kyrgyz language. One of the meanings is “sacred”, “pure”. The kalpak’s shape has not changed in centuries because this shape symbolizes the heights of surrounding mountains and the purity of the folk spirit. There are many varieties of kalpak. Based on various techniques of felting, cutting and sewing, there are more than 80 types of kalpak. Almost all kalpaks have embroidery patterns on them. Each pattern has its own sacral meaning and history. Two varieties are most popular at the moment. One has one small cut in front and the other one, called Bakai kalpak, has two cuts on the sides. Bakai kalpak is worn by people of older age. Various colors on kalpak edges are used to symbolize the age of the kalpak owner, although these rules are not set in stone and there are many exceptions to this rule in everyday life. -\tGreen edged kalpaks are for children. Young boys wore those kalpaks. Green is a color of youth and shows that they are at the beginning of their life paths. -\tBlue edge is a color for adolescents. This was the color for men over 20s. The color of sky symbolized maturing. - Brown edged kalpak was worn by men over 30 years old. Brown symbolized that the person already has a family and as a head of the family have accumulated enough life experience and is ready to serve the country. - A beige colored edge was worn by mature men over 40, when they could serve as an example for the younger generation. - Black edged kalpak was born by elderly men over 60. Black edge on a white felt symbolizes wisdom. An elderly widower wore a white kalpak with black felt edge. It meant that his kids allowed him to marry again. - The most honorable completely white kalpak was worn by wise elders. Such kalpak is given to acknowledge his leadership and authority.
Kyrgyzstan 2019 -
Kymyz muryndyk ('initiation of koumiss') Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders
Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.
Kazakhstan 2018 -
Hayachine Kagura
Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art expressed through the ritual dance of performers with masks of a deity on their faces, accompanied by instrumental music such as rhythms of big drums, in order to receive the blessings of a deity. The music for this Kagura is played by a big drum, small cymbals, and a flute along with songs. The stage is approximately 3.6 m2 large, and players of a big drum and cymbals seat themselves at the centre front of the stage with their backs toward the audience. A tapestry approximately 2 meters high is hung at the back, behind which is a dressing room. There are one to five dancers, depending on the piece. They appear onto the stage, lifting up the lower edge of a tapestry. The transmitted repertoire consists of approximately seventy pieces, composed of ritual dances, one featuring deities as protagonists, one with a theme of the Japanese legends of ancient time or war chronicles of medieval time, and one of a shishi (a lion-like imaginary animal), i.e. the deity of the Hayachine Shrine itself. This one-day Kagura begins with six ritual dances, then approximately five dances expressing a deity as a protagonist or telling some stories, and finally ends with the dance of a shishi deity. As a whole, the content is meant to demonstrate the majesty of the deity of the Hayachine Shrine and to bless the people. Hayachine Kagura has over seventy pieces in its transmitted repertoire, and its dances, together with characteristic music, are considered very beautiful. Hayachine Kagura is cultural heritage transmitted to the present day from the fourteenth or fifteenth century by the people who worshipped the Hayachine Shrine. Designated by the Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1975, it is currently recognized as one element of important cultural heritage which widely reflects the transition of the Japanese life style. For a while after its beginning, Hayachine Kagura was transmitted and performed only by holy officers of the Hayachine Shrine. From the late seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, however, those holy officers also transmitted it to neighbouring farmers and townsmen, and gradually performed it together. Iwate Prefecture, where the Hayachine Shrine is located, is a cold region, and life was difficult there. the local people worshipped Mt. Hayachine as a deity and wished for a better and more secure life, relying upon the power of a deity. In order to meet their expectations, the bearers of Hayachine Kagura regularly visited communities, taking with them a shishi’s head as a symbol of the power of the deity Hayachine, and blessed the people by demonstrating the power of the deity through the performance of kagura. In the early twentieth century it ceased to be performed in many communities. Currently, however, it has been transmitted from elder to younger generations by local people of two communities at Ohsako Town in Hanamaki City, Iwate Prefecture, and is performed on the eve and on the day of the Great Festival of the Hayachine Shrine on August 1st every year, which venerates nature, including Mt. Hayachine. Hayachine Kagura is regarded as part of the excellent and distinctive culture of which the group of bearers and people in the transmitting communities are proud in relation to groups of other communities and societies. To transmit Hayachine Kagura and display it to the public is, for the transmitting group and community, to reconfirm a sense of identity with its own group and society and also to contribute to the continuity of such a group and community. Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art transmitted for a long time and still performed by ordinary Japanese people. The repertoire is derived from Japanese history and traditional culture, such as the Legend of Japan and war chronicles, and reflects the Japanese sense of performing arts. Moreover, the Japanese concept of deity and nature is seen in the background of the transmission and performance of Hayachine Kagura. Thus, Hayachine Kagura reflects the history, culture, and climate of Japan and still has significant meaning from a social and cultural point of view. In addition, the transmitters are eager to transmit Hayachine Kagura to the future through the performance which they have inherited from their own ancestors.
Japan 2009