Inscribed in 2014 (9.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nongak is a fusion performing art genre that combines a percussion ensemble (with occasional use of wind instruments), parading, dancing, drama, and acrobatic feats. It has been practiced for various purposes, such as appeasing gods, chasing evil spirits and seeking blessings, praying for a rich harvest in spring, celebrating the harvest at autumn festivals, fund-raising for community projects, and professional entertainment. Any joyful community event was never complete without uproarious music and dance performed by the local band clad in colorful costumes. The resultant ecstatic excitement (sinmyeong) is often defined as a preeminent emotional characteristic of Korean people. The music frequently uses uneven beats of complex structures like simple three-time, compound time, and simple and compound time. Small hand-held gongs and hourglass drums, with their metal and leather sounds, play the main beats, while large gongs and barrel drums create simple rhythmic accents. The small hand-held drum players focus more on dancing than playing music. Dancing includes individual skill demonstrations, choreographic formations, and streamer dances. Actors wearing masks and peculiar outfits perform funny skits. Acrobatics include dish spinning and miming antics by child dancers carried on the shoulders of adult performers. Nongak was most often performed and enjoyed by grassroots people, but there were also professional groups putting on entertainment shows. In recent years, professional repertoires have evolved into the percussion quartet “Samul Nori” and the non-verbal theatrical show “Nanta,” dramatically emphasizing the music element and thereby appealing to broader audiences at home and from abroad.

South Korea 2014

Literally meaning a “play ground”, Gầu Tào is often hosted by three families of the same blood line or by marriage. The festival takes place at the Gầu Tào hill from the 2nd to the 4th days in the first lunar month. A ritual master will be invited by the families to help carry out the ritual ceremonies. Some of the important rituals are cutting a bamboo tree and erecting it as the ritual pole. After cutting the bamboo, the ritual master ties two black and one red pieces of hemp fabric onto the tree’s top as a symbol for communal solidarity and invitation of ancestors to the festival. He will also attach one wine container made from gourd fruit and three small bundles of rice flower as symbol for fortune and luck, and a bunch of sưi fern plant as fecundity before erecting the pole, facing East for the three-day festival. The ritual master will do chanting, while making offerings before erecting the ritual pole. Members of the family will sing traditional ritual songs during these rituals. During the festival, there are games and performances, especially khèn music and dances, which the village members and visitors can take part in. On the last day, ending the festival, the ritual master holds an umbrella walking counterclockwise around the ritual pole while singing khâu dìn sê (descending the ritual pole). The bamboo pole is later used make bed and the linen to make baby clothes as a wish for good luck.

Durga Puja marks the ten-day worship of the Hindu mother-goddess Durga. Durga appears in her divine incarnation as ‘Mahishahuramardini’ – a goddess created by the gods to kill the demon, Mahishasura. This image of the demon-slaying goddess is coupled in Bengal with her image as divine mother and daughter, who descends annually from her husband Shiva’s home in the Himalayas to her parents’ home on earth, accompanied by her four children, Ganesh, Kartick, Lakshmi and Saraswati. The worship of the goddess begins with the inaugural day of Mahalaya, when the clay images have life invoked in them through the painting of the eyes, and ends on the tenth day of Bijoya Dashami, when the images are immersed in the river. Durga Puja is the best instance of the public performance of religion and art in the city. It witnesses a celebration of craftsmanship, cross-cultural transactions and cross-community revelry. The manner in which the festival is enmeshed in a web of competition and consumption, accelerated by the winning of accolades, secures its secular identity, embedding it in the contemporary global cultures of touring, spectacle, and entertainment. The exemplary character of Durga Puja lies in its ability to not temporally bound itself to the ritual occasion. Its dynamism lies in it being a constantly mutating event – in its fusion of tradition with changing tastes and popular cultures, and in the adaptation of the iconographies of Durga and the styles of her temporary abodes to cater to new regimes of art production.

India 2021

Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art expressed through the ritual dance of performers with masks of a deity on their faces, accompanied by instrumental music such as rhythms of big drums, in order to receive the blessings of a deity. The music for this Kagura is played by a big drum, small cymbals, and a flute along with songs. The stage is approximately 3.6 m2 large, and players of a big drum and cymbals seat themselves at the centre front of the stage with their backs toward the audience. A tapestry approximately 2 meters high is hung at the back, behind which is a dressing room. There are one to five dancers, depending on the piece. They appear onto the stage, lifting up the lower edge of a tapestry. The transmitted repertoire consists of approximately seventy pieces, composed of ritual dances, one featuring deities as protagonists, one with a theme of the Japanese legends of ancient time or war chronicles of medieval time, and one of a shishi (a lion-like imaginary animal), i.e. the deity of the Hayachine Shrine itself. This one-day Kagura begins with six ritual dances, then approximately five dances expressing a deity as a protagonist or telling some stories, and finally ends with the dance of a shishi deity. As a whole, the content is meant to demonstrate the majesty of the deity of the Hayachine Shrine and to bless the people. Hayachine Kagura has over seventy pieces in its transmitted repertoire, and its dances, together with characteristic music, are considered very beautiful. Hayachine Kagura is cultural heritage transmitted to the present day from the fourteenth or fifteenth century by the people who worshipped the Hayachine Shrine. Designated by the Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1975, it is currently recognized as one element of important cultural heritage which widely reflects the transition of the Japanese life style. For a while after its beginning, Hayachine Kagura was transmitted and performed only by holy officers of the Hayachine Shrine. From the late seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, however, those holy officers also transmitted it to neighbouring farmers and townsmen, and gradually performed it together. Iwate Prefecture, where the Hayachine Shrine is located, is a cold region, and life was difficult there. the local people worshipped Mt. Hayachine as a deity and wished for a better and more secure life, relying upon the power of a deity. In order to meet their expectations, the bearers of Hayachine Kagura regularly visited communities, taking with them a shishi’s head as a symbol of the power of the deity Hayachine, and blessed the people by demonstrating the power of the deity through the performance of kagura. In the early twentieth century it ceased to be performed in many communities. Currently, however, it has been transmitted from elder to younger generations by local people of two communities at Ohsako Town in Hanamaki City, Iwate Prefecture, and is performed on the eve and on the day of the Great Festival of the Hayachine Shrine on August 1st every year, which venerates nature, including Mt. Hayachine. Hayachine Kagura is regarded as part of the excellent and distinctive culture of which the group of bearers and people in the transmitting communities are proud in relation to groups of other communities and societies. To transmit Hayachine Kagura and display it to the public is, for the transmitting group and community, to reconfirm a sense of identity with its own group and society and also to contribute to the continuity of such a group and community. Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art transmitted for a long time and still performed by ordinary Japanese people. The repertoire is derived from Japanese history and traditional culture, such as the Legend of Japan and war chronicles, and reflects the Japanese sense of performing arts. Moreover, the Japanese concept of deity and nature is seen in the background of the transmission and performance of Hayachine Kagura. Thus, Hayachine Kagura reflects the history, culture, and climate of Japan and still has significant meaning from a social and cultural point of view. In addition, the transmitters are eager to transmit Hayachine Kagura to the future through the performance which they have inherited from their own ancestors.

Japan 2009

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009

The name Zhana Ngacham comes from the zhana (black hats) worn by the dancers and the use of the ngachung (small drum) during the Cham performance. It is another form of Zhana Cham (black hat dance). Usually, the dance is performed mainly by monks in dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples during Tshechu (annual mask dance festival) and also during Drubchen (large ritual ceremonies). However, sometimes the dancers are replaced by lay people if there are no monastic facilities in the community. The dance falls under the category of Tsun cham (monastic mask dance performances). The dancers wear a long brocade robe called phoegho with long and wide sleeve ends, a dorji gong (a crossed vajra collar) over the shoulder, and two phoe-cho or phoe-tog, a horn-like tool attached to either side of the hips that helps the robe turn smoothly and elegantly as the dancers twirl. The distinctive feature of the Black Hat dance is the black, spherical hat with decorations in the shape of a human skull and peacock quill, and Thro-pang, an angry face wrapped around the front of the abdomen. Zhana Ngacham is usually performed by 21 dancers under the direction of Cham-pon (dance leader) and Cham-jug (deputy leader). In the seventeenth century, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) is revered for giving more importance to the performance of such dances and including them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (mask dances, proportions mandala drawing and ritual intonation) to establish them in the field of cultural heritage in Bhutan.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Tidal flats, nicknamed "sea fields" in Korea, have long provided an important source of livelihoods for local people. The traditional practice of maintaining tidal flats as communal property has been transmitted to the present in the form of village cooperatives. Korean tidal flats are a treasure trove of diverse ocean resources and have held a disproportionate influence over the formation and development of the nation’s diet. \t The practice of harvesting shellfish and other invertebrate animals in coastal wetlands enjoys a long and steady history on the Korean Peninsula. The western and southern coastal areas have produced many large shell middens dating to the New Stone, Bronze, and Iron Ages all the way to the Goryeo Dynasty. Written records on tidal flat harvesting can be found in a book on seafood from the Joseon period—Jasan eobo by the Practical Learning scholar Jeong Yak-jeon (1758–1816). Tidal flat harvesting involves a number of performative rites, enriching Korean culture and traditions. The most well-known community tradition associated with it is the gaet je, a seasonal festival praying for a good harvest. In addition, there are separate community rituals for predicting the quantity of the catch or to celebrate a good harvest. Tidal flat harvesting has been designated as National Intangible Cultural Heritage for the following reasons: It possesses a time-honored history with many active transmission communities over an extensive area; This history is supported by written records from at least the Joseon period; The diverse skills and techniques manifested in tidal flat harvesting hold great potential for academic research; There are many unique rites and festivals associated with tidal flat harvesting; The practice shows great local diversity through, for example, the different tools applied; and It continues to serve as an important source of livelihoods in Korean communities. As tidal flat harvesting is being transmitted across the western and southern coastal areas in many villages, no particular individuals or organizations have been recognized as official holders of this element.

The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.

A unique folk song genre, a synthetic art form, a form of ritual performance by not only artisans but also the entire fishing community. Bả trạo singing is usually held on the occasion of praying for fish and the Ong fish festival in early Spring. Performance forms include: male singing, guest singing, chanting, and speech. The content praises the merits of Ong fish, describes the optimism, solidarity and mutual assistance of fishermen in the process of making a hard living at sea. Bả trạo singing has a skillful combination of art, rituals, folk dance with folk singing and traditional music of coastal residents. Therefore, Bả trạo is easy to sing, easy to memorize, easy to listen to and easy to get into people's hearts.

Bidu Lensu Mutin is a typical traditional dance from the community of the village of Suai Loro, Covalima Municipality. This dance is performed in cultural occasions such as welcoming guests, inauguration of sacred houses, “sau batar” (corn harvest festival), and “tara bandu”. The movement and every step of the dance is following-up by traditional arrangement of music. Using a kind of dry palm leaf to give the sound and rhythm, and traditional song with local dialect give harmonies to the dance. The dance have been passed from one generation to another and up to now it is still alive within the communities.

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017