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couples
ICH Elements 12
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The telling tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/MollaNesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/ Nasriddin Afandi anecdotes
The Telling Tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/Molla Nesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/Nasriddin Afandi Anecdotes is an intangible cultural heritage element on social practices and festivals related to the tradition of telling anecdotes. It is transmitted orally among generations and is shaped around Nasreddin who became a symbol of humor and wisdom. Although there are slight differences about images, names and anecdotes of Nasreddin in communities, the main features of the element have been shared as a common heritage in the Submitting States. Communities acknowledge that he was a wise person who analyzed the society well and gathered shared intelligence, thought and life experience of people in his own personality. The anecdotes of him are short and intensive narrations transmitted through oral tradition and written sources, attributed to Nasreddin whose reputation spread to the wide geographical area. Some of the anecdotes have become classic, and the epigrams of these anecdotes have turned into idioms and proverbs in time. His anecdotes are intensely practiced in the printed and visual media as well as in the oral tradition and especially in the programs prepared for children. In the anecdotes of Nasreddin, the components of wisdom, repartee, witticism, common sense, absurdity and surprise merged firm and these are distinguishing features of the anecdotes. Nasreddin breaks very often accepted norms and concepts, while finding an extraordinary way out of the situation, where he is always the winner, by the power of word. Anecdotes call for humor, satire, sarcasm, and cynicism, to reveal the negative traits of people. However, the anecdotes is a genre with an instructive, entertaining function, a profound meaning that ends with moral, intellectual, and logical results. His anecdotes include relations of different people and their behaviors in various situations. Through his anecdotes, all kinds of unpleasant behaviors are being criticized and judged through humor. Communities in the Submitting States enrich conversations with his anecdotes and support speeches with his witticism. His anecdotes are narrated easily by everyone to strengthen any thought by giving examples in the dailylife, to convince other people or to explain a situation. In some Submitting States, although there is no specific narrator or teller of these anecdotes, the artists of traditional theatre use the element to enrich their narratives and to entertain people. On the other hand, there are specific tellers of the anecdotes in some Submitting States (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan). The anecdote tellers select words and perform with great care. In this sense, it mostly depends on knowledge, understanding, thinking, performance culture and skill of the performer to tell anecdotes in meaningful, impressive and funny way. It is important for performer to know various life situations, possess an impressive culture of speech, and make use effectively and skillfully his face, eye, hand, and body movements. In Submitting States, local administrations, municipalities, universities and NGOs which play significant roles in transmission of the element, organize various activities and festivals periodically for commemoration of Nasreddin at local, national and international levels. Public participation in these festivals and activities is considerably high.
Azerbaijan,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022 -
Birth Ceremony of Lhop Communities
Beyond the daily harmonic life of the Lhop’s society, there lies an undisputed belief and idea on birth and death. Lhops have their own ways of interpreting the physiological and morphological processes of birth, growth, aging and death as it unfolds to them. As the child grows, she or he crosses different stages with status and roles and responsibilities in the community. They get educated in life skills and rituals of life. Their departure or separation is also honored with elaborate rituals. It is considered as a taboo for Lhops to accept a child from a female who has no approved partner in the community or outside mates from the community. Ideally, it is the cross-cousins only who can give birth to a legitimate child in the society, though marriages between different clans are now accepted. However, marrying out of the community continues to be strongly discouraged. From the moment cross-cousins partners are born in the family, their marital and issues are thereon legitimate in the community, and so is their new born child. Lhops has well and predetermined destined relationships when it comes to the copulation between male and female. Lhops believe that the copulation between male and female produces a child in which male contributes bone and female contributes flesh, but it does not mean that any male can impregnate a female, and be the father or husband of someone else. Cross cousins are referred to as Lhir-ra and Lhi-met, laterally meaning male and female seedling (Lhi- seedling, met- female, ra-male). They believe that the human body as a combination of flesh (sa) and bone (ruish).They believe that the male is like that of a seed (lhi) and rain (wai), while the female is like that of land or soil (boh) that holds the seed and rain water together to allow germination and growth, so as in the combination of bone from a male, and flesh from the female, that give rise to an individual. Cross cousins undergo an educational process of identifying their mates and their families. They slowly start to develop a mindset and behavior towards their growing age and body. Once they reach a mature age, they are encouraged to execute the marital rules and take up roles in the community. Male partners take residence in the wife’s households, and it is a matter of pride for the female to conceive and have him in her house.
Bhutan -
The Culture and Custom of the Melanau Ethnic: The ‘Bebayoh’ Custom
The Melanau ethnic is one of the biggest in Sarawak living in the Mukah area. Some are Muslims and some Christians. Those that still practice animism worship the Ipok ‘spirit’, the manifestation of the strength and power of nature. Ipok consists of Ipok Laut (Sea Ipok), Ipok Balau (Jungle Ipok), Ipok Sarauang (Sky Ipok) and Ipok Iyang (Soil Ipok). On the first night the faith healer is alone in his house after being told that someone has fallen ill. The faith healer bargains with the ‘spirit’ including obtaining the spirit’s requests for the Bebayoh ritual. The second day involves the sick and the faith healer at the faith healer’s house or at the sick person’s premises depending on the spirit’s request. On the night itself the faith healer informs the sick person’s family about the spirit’s requests. The preparation begins in the evening of the following day. The Seladai Dance is then performed. The substances for the Bebayoh ritual are young leaves such as the betel nut leaves, jasmine flower, incense, a drum, candle, and glass fragments on a white cloth. Incense is burnt to start the ritual with mantras recited by the faith healer in the language of the faith healer’s spirit and that of the Ipok, at the same time hitting the drum used to detect the sick person’s illness. The candle is lighted inside the drum and then placed on the faith healer’s face. Other musicians play the rest of the musical instruments such as drum, kulintangan and gongs. After detecting the illness, the faith healer swallows the candle. The betel nut leaves are then swayed on the sick person’s body. The Ipok’s spirit enters the sick person’s body to cure him. Then the sick person steps on the glass fragments. The Seladai dance is then performed by seven unmarried couples with the faith healer circling the dancers with the isem pesai (a kind of young leaves). The sick person has to undergo abcentism like he is forbidden to consume stingray and shark, as well as beans and eggs. On final evening (the seventh day) is the end of the treatment. The sick person has to prepare the ‘payment’ to the faith healer that includes gold, a small spear (made of bone – as the spirit’s food), and a live chicken.
Malaysia -
Serga Mathang and Khothkin: Cross-cousin Marriage.
In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.
Bhutan -
Indonesian Batik
Traditional handcrafted textile rich in intangible cultural values, passed down for generations in Java and elsewhere since early 19th Century (Ref. Siksakanda, 1517AD), more widely since mid-1980s. all the steps in the making of batik are carried out by hand. The tools used to make batik are also made by hand. Firstly, the cloth must be washed, soaked and beaten with a large mallet. A pattern is drawn and dots and lines of hot wax are then applied to one or both sides of the cloth using a pen-like instrument called canthing tulis (direngsi/ngrengrengi). Alternatively there is the process of applying the hot wax to the cloth using stamps called canthing cap made of copper. The wax functions as a dye-resist. After this, the cloth is dipped in a dye bath containing the first colour. After the cloth is dry, the wax is removed by scraping or boiling the cloth (dilorod). This process is repeated as many times as the number of colours desired. For larger cloth, the wax is applied using a tool called tonyok (nemboki/mopoki). The details of the process vary between different areas. Batik patterns and motifs possess deep symbolism related to social status, local community, nature, history and cultural heritage. Expectant mothers wear batik; babies are carried in batik slings and touch batik with their feet when they first touch the ground; brides, marriage couples and family members wear batik; even corpses are covered with batik: all with appropriate patterns and motifs. Traditional dress includes batik, Batiks are collected and passed down as family heirlooms, each being a work of art with its own story. Batik craftspersons would fast and pray before making batik while meditating accompanied by traditional songs. It takes several days to make a hand-stamped batik, and at least 1 month to 1 year to complete a hand-drawn batik.
Indonesia 2009 -
The Sewang or Jenulang Dance
The Sewang or also called Jenulang Dance is one of the traditional dances of the Orang Asli (Indigeneous) community of the Semai and Temiar ethnics in the state of Pahang. This dance combines the elements of dance, music and songs with 18 dancers or more of both sexes, according to the suitability of the stage area. The dance functions as entertainment, ‘opening up of love’, for marriage, appeasing the spirit of paddy and for healing. This dance is led by an elderly man called Tok Halak, who is also the main singer. The dancers repeat every line their leader sings and move in circle while stomping their feet on the floor. They are accompanied by a traditional musical instrument called ‘Buluh Cetong’ made of bamboo that is stomped on a hard wood. There are four dance formations depending on the dance function. Firstly, the dancers are dancing in one line. Secondly, the dancers are dancing in a circle while moving clockwise or anti-clockwise. Thirdly, the dance is performed in couples of both sexes that sometimes holding hands. Fourthly, in groups. For the purpose of happiness, Sewang is danced after paddy harvesting, or receiving the return of a sibling that works far away or the arrival of a new year, at wedding ceremonies and the like that has elements of bliss. For circumcision ceremony the dance is called ‘Ajok’. For healing purposes the dance is performed in the evening. Outsiders are not allowed to ascend the house where the dance is perfomed until the dance is over.
Malaysia -
The ‘Canggung’ Dance
The Canggung dance is an identity of the state of Perlis, originated from the Makyung Laut dance, first introduced during the Japanese occupation around 1941. This dance was first performed by two siblings of dancers in an entertainment festival for the Japanese soldiers and public in the city of Kangar. Since then Canggung expanded to all over Perlis and becomes a famous folk dance, performed during the harvest seasons and at wedding ceremonies and festivities. The dance movements have similarities with the Ronggeng dance, but with its own values. Its traditionality lies on the songs sung in exchanges of quatrains and in this way the audiences get the entertainment. The quatrains are synicals, attracting, teasing, as well as jestering and the like, in nature. The dancers dance in couples. A female dancer holds a handkerchief, dances and sings in rotation while spontaneously exchanging quatrains with a male dancer. The female wears batik sarong, long kebaya dress and plucked flowers on the hairbun. The male wears Malay attire and songkok as headgear.
Malaysia -
Traditional horse game – ‘Kyz kuumay’
‘It is one of the most widespread horseback games played at various feasts and festivities. Kyz kuumai is translated as chasing a girl. ‘Kyz kuumay’ was a wedding tradition in the past, in which a groom on a horse had to pursue and catch a racing bride. The game involves several couples in national costumes, which are well acquainted with rules of the game and have perfect horse riding skills. The bride was provided with the best horse; she started the race first. The groom had to catch his bride, thus proving his love and reaffirming his right to marry her. The groom has to catch up with the bride and kiss her or to touch her with his headwear, thus declaring his victory. In case of a failure, the girl chases the young man, striking his back with a whip. Due to the worse horse, the groom often failed to capture the girl. However, this was not a reason for the bride to refuse to marry.
Kyrgyzstan -
Dansa
Dansa is the dance of the Cocos Islanders from the Lahad Datu district on the east coast of Sabah. This dance is usually performed during weddings and often-festive occasions. The dance of Dansa or Nona Mansaya of Orang Cocos usually performed by 4 or more couples. There is much feet stomping, making it a very lively dance. Baju Kurung of the woman consists of a loose tunic (in which it refers to a long collarless shirt with a short neckline that is pinned together with a brooch) and is worn over a skirt or sarong. They wear an eclectic mix of ruffled tops and native sarongs while dancing to the beat of the rythmic drum & violin. The men wear the Songkok and leather shoes while the women wear the Kebayak with heels.
Malaysia -
Mongigol Sumundai
Mongigol Sumandai Dance is a dance of the Rungus community in Kudat and Pitas. Mongigol Dance is performed by male dancers while Sumandai Dance is performed by female dancers. These traditional dances are performed simultaneously during events, in which the dancers danced as couples. These dances are performed to express gratitude to bambarayon who has preserved the paddy spirit every year, to prevent misfortunes, at feasts and when moving to a new longhouse. The music accompaniment is produced by four gongs which is sandangau, somponukul, soludon, pompo, tontog and a drum called tawag-tawag.
Malaysia -
Portuguese Eurasian Music and Dance
The music and dance of the Portuguese-Eurasian community of Malacca is characteristically cheerful and vivacious, using instruments such as guitars and tambourine, accordion, tambour or the Malay rebana. Couples dance in colourful costumes similar to the folk costumes of Portugal — the men wear black bolero jackets and hats while the women wear colourful embroidered skirts. The main songs and dances include the branyo, tianika, maliao and farapeira. One of the most emblematic melodies of the Portuguese-Eurasian community of Malacca is the Jingkli Nona. In Malacca, some songs of the Portuguese-Eurasian community are sung in old Portuguese that has been passed down orally by master singers. Others are sung in Kristang — the local creole language derived from old Portuguese mixed with Malay words and grammatical structure. The main styles of the music and dance of the Gente Kristang are branyo and mata-kantiga. The lively branyo is derived from the Portuguese folk dance known as corridinho, found in the Algarve region of Portugal. Since the early 16th Century, branyo has been performed in Malacca as part of the Portuguese festival of Introdu or Shrove Sunday, before the holy month of Lent. To this day branyo is still played during weddings and festivities such as Festa Senjuan (Saint John’s Feast) and Festa San Pedro (Saint Peter’s Feast). The four main rhythms of branyo are jingkli nona, kanji-pape, sarampeh or serampang laut and chorte forte. These branyo rhythms have greatly influenced Malay joget music, so much so that Malay musicians often refer to branyo tunes as joget and Malay joget songs are referred to as branyo when performed at the Portuguese Settlement.
Malaysia -
Jongmyo Jerye (Royal Ancestral Ritual in the Jongmyo Shrine)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Jongmyo, in Seoul, is a royal shrine where the mortuary tablets of deceased royal couples are kept, and is an important site symbolizing the fundamentals of the existence of a state along with Sajikdan Altar, which is the altar for the national soil and grain ceremonies. The regular ancestral rituals were held at Jongmyo in the first month of each season, i.e. January, April, July, and October, while extraordinary rituals were held on special occasions. Since 1945, the ritual has been held only once a year, on the first Sunday of May. The ritual is held in a solemn atmosphere. The ritual is carried out in a way so as to entertain the spirits of the dead royal ancestors. The procedure for the ritual is as follows: Chwiwi (placing of ancestral tablets), Yeongsin (greeting the spirits), Haengsinnarye (King's obeisance to ancestral tablets), Jinchan (presenting the spirits with food), Choheollye (first obeisance), Aheollye (second obeisance), Jongheollye (last obeisance), Eumbongnye (partaking of sacrificial food), Cheolbyeondu (overturing of ritual dishes), Mangnyo (incineration of prayers). The King had to behave discreetly for four days and keep his body clean for three days before the ritual. Jongmyo Jerye featured grandeur and solemnity as a ritual that set an example for the people of a Confucian society that attached particular importance to etiquette. The ritual, along with the music associated with it (Important Intangible Cultural Heritage No.1), was registered with UNESCO in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritages of Humanity in May 2001.
South Korea 2001