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drinking
ICH Elements 21
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The Worship of Hùng Kings in Phú Thọ
The Việt people in Phú Thọ province have been practicing and trasmitting the worship of Hùng Kings whose father named Lạc Long Quân and mother named Âu Cơ for a very long time. The legend has become a strong belief of the country’s origin in the Việt people’s mentality for centuries. Dynasties of Great Việt attached great importance to the worship of Hùng Kings and offerred imperial conferments to villages worshiping Hùng Kings in temples and shrines. The worship of Hùng Kings has created many legends of wharves, rivers, fields, rice plants, land and other unique cultural creativity. Part of cultural creativity is reenacted in annual worship performed at communal houses, temples and shrines in villages. Communities make offerings of rice – based delicacies such as square cakes and glutinous cakes dedicated to Hùng Kings. Legend has it that, Lang Liêu who later became the seventh Hùng King made these two types of cakes by himself. They represent the heaven and the earth as well as the filial piety of the children for the parents. These two offerings are indispensable in the worship of Hùng Kings. Offerings dedicated to Hùng Kings at temples and shrines by villagers usually last for a few days: offerings by families first and then by the whole community. The tablets of Hùng Kings are proccessed throughout the villages and the rice fields, which implies that Hùng Kings may witness today’s lives of villagers and offer good weather, abundant harvests, good luck and good health to villagers, plants and animals. Offerings conducted by villagers at temples, communal houses, and shrines is supposed to be the most sacred moments when the respect and gratitude of communities dedicated to Hùng Kings are expressed.
Viet Nam 2012 -
Traditional art of whistling
The traditional art of whistling calls for human teeth and lips to function as the music instrument and the mouth cavity to function as a sound box. Whistling is classified into the following three types: tooth whistle, lip whistle and palate whistle. The reasons Mongolians whistle is greatly dependant on the season, time, location, and context due to that from ancient times Mongols have considered whistling as a call for wind. Mongols whistle the short and long songs, and melodies in hot days of summer and autumn season while herding livestock and during the labor for relaxing. Before mentioned, Mongols believe that the whistle can bring the deity of wind, therefore they do whistle while harvesting the grain for blowing the skin of grain.
Mongolia -
Trần Thương Temple Festival, Hà Nam Province
Trần Thương Temple Festival commemorates the death anniversary of Saint Trần Hưng Đạo, a national hero.This is a cultural event held in the community to verenate and honor sacred and real figures in the national history like Saint Trần Hưng Đạo. He is a national hero who defeated foreign invaders then was considered as a Saint to support communities to have a prosperous and happy life. Trần Thương Temple Festival is famous for its typical ceremonies like water procession, palanquin procession, food delivery. Especially, there are performances of spirit mediumship with some shamanism practices in Trần Thương Temple Festival.
Viet Nam -
Xoan singing of Phú Thọ province, Viet Nam
As a form of performing arts, Xoan singing includes singing, dancing, drumming and clapper beating. It is closely attached to the Worship of the Hùng Kings, founders of the country. Phú Thọ people created Xoan singing and performed it at the village communal houses, temples and shrines worshipping the Hùng Kings in springs. “Xoan” means “spring”. Bearers and practitioners form four guilds, in which the male and female Trum play the most important role; they preserve the songs, select students, transmit the singing styles and repertoires and organize practices. They are also active in introducing and teaching Xoan singing at the four Xoan guilds, and in clubs and guilds. A full Xoan performance cycle includes 3 phases: Worship singing (Hát thờ) with songs praising the virtues of the Hùng Kings and the village guardian deities; Invocation for good health and fortune (Quả cách) with 14 repertoires praising nature, humankind, and the daily life of the community; Festive singing (hát Hội) with songs featuring the couple love. The special characteristic of Xoan is the modulation between singers and instrumentalists at the perfect fourth interval, and it has a simple structure with few ornamental notes. Xoan dance's movements have a sense of imitativeness, illustrating people's daily life activities. After singing at their communal houses from the 2nd - 5th day of the Lunar New Year, the Xoan guilds travel to other communities venerating Hùng Kings to take part in convivial cultural exchanges. Xoan practitioners are organized into music guilds called Phường. The Leader of each guild is called “Trùm”. In the past, only men could be “Trùm”, but nowadays women could also be leaders. The Leaders are in charge of transmission and organization of activities of the guilds. At present, each guild comprises of 30 - 100 members. Men are called “kép”, women are “đào”. As a community performing art, Xoan singing fosters cultural understanding, community cohesion and mutual respect. The Vietnamese Institute for Musicology has collected 31 Xoan songs, and thanks to the efforts of several Xoan artists four guilds have been established. 33 dedicated clubs also exist, and seminars are held to expand knowledge of Xoan.
Viet Nam 2017 -
Birth Ceremony of Lhop Communities
Beyond the daily harmonic life of the Lhop’s society, there lies an undisputed belief and idea on birth and death. Lhops have their own ways of interpreting the physiological and morphological processes of birth, growth, aging and death as it unfolds to them. As the child grows, she or he crosses different stages with status and roles and responsibilities in the community. They get educated in life skills and rituals of life. Their departure or separation is also honored with elaborate rituals. It is considered as a taboo for Lhops to accept a child from a female who has no approved partner in the community or outside mates from the community. Ideally, it is the cross-cousins only who can give birth to a legitimate child in the society, though marriages between different clans are now accepted. However, marrying out of the community continues to be strongly discouraged. From the moment cross-cousins partners are born in the family, their marital and issues are thereon legitimate in the community, and so is their new born child. Lhops has well and predetermined destined relationships when it comes to the copulation between male and female. Lhops believe that the copulation between male and female produces a child in which male contributes bone and female contributes flesh, but it does not mean that any male can impregnate a female, and be the father or husband of someone else. Cross cousins are referred to as Lhir-ra and Lhi-met, laterally meaning male and female seedling (Lhi- seedling, met- female, ra-male). They believe that the human body as a combination of flesh (sa) and bone (ruish).They believe that the male is like that of a seed (lhi) and rain (wai), while the female is like that of land or soil (boh) that holds the seed and rain water together to allow germination and growth, so as in the combination of bone from a male, and flesh from the female, that give rise to an individual. Cross cousins undergo an educational process of identifying their mates and their families. They slowly start to develop a mindset and behavior towards their growing age and body. Once they reach a mature age, they are encouraged to execute the marital rules and take up roles in the community. Male partners take residence in the wife’s households, and it is a matter of pride for the female to conceive and have him in her house.
Bhutan -
Beliefs in The Sea Goddess Mazuism
Mazuism is a form of belief that is centered on the veneration of Mazu, the Chinese seafarer’s goddess. At Lhong 1919 an long-established shrine dedicated to Mazu is testimony of the popularity that this form of belief enjoyed. The shrine houses three Mazu figurines that had been brought to Bangkok by overseas Chinese who came to the city about 167 years ago. This goddess was once only a local deity revered by Fujianese, before she became widely known and worshiped by oversea Chinese communities. The process of paying homage to the goddess is an intangible cultural heritage that represents the blend between Chinese and Thai cultures. The three main figurines of Mazu that form the material anchor of this practice of veneration have been passed down through six generations of Thai-Chinese families and have come to be widely known within Thai-Chinese society. A localization of this form of worship can be seen in the fact that the chanting done in honor of the goddess is nowadays delivered as a Thai Buddhist mantra while the statue arrangement remains the traditional way that goes back to Chinese roots. There are three Mazu figurines, representing the different stages of her manifestation, each protected by further guardian spirits. The first manifestation is symbolized by a girl who healed the sick and ensured safety during sea travel. The second manifestation is the goddess Mazu who brings good fortune to businesses. The last manifestation is as the empress in heaven, full of kindness and compassion.
Thailand -
Lha-soel (A Local Deity Offerings)
Lha-soel (Lha means local deity and soel means offerings) is the ritual performed annually seeking assistance and blessing from the local deities with the offering and recitation of religious scriptures. Unlike rituals in other places in western Bhutan depending on the need and purposes, the people of Bem si-si, under Toebesa Gewog (block) perform this Lha-soel annually mostly towards the end of the year beginning from October till December month with the presence of the entire family members. As far as history is concerned there is no exact date of origin of this ritual. However, the village households herein perform Lha-soel that is passed down from the forefathers. This ritual originated from the Bonism commonly known as Nak-choe (ritual requiring animal sacrifices) wherein animals such as pigs and oxen were slaughtered for the offering. However, on later dates as per respondents, with blessing and order from the 70th Je-Khenpo (Chief Abbot) Trulku Jigme Chhoeda (1955- ) to avoid killing animals for the purpose of the rituals. The locals in Bem si-si started to offer butter, cheese, and fruits unlike before who used to offer meat, lungs, and blood along with the ritual cakes. Oral traditions say that Lha-soel is considered the most festive occasion of an individual household to gather all the family members who are now in challenge due to expenditures and lack of manpower. However, people in villages believe that these ritual practices are embedded in the lifestyles and traditions for ensuring prosperity, wealth, and long life besides the adoption of it as a medium for the higher Buddhist spiritual message, thus, individual households never fail to perform despite the challenges. The challenges the Lha-soel undergo is accrued that the too many of the present generations are engaged in the schools, colleges, and universities and gives priority to the curriculum in schools that lacks the knowledge of this very ritual in particular. Therefore, the children, unlike in the past who resided in villages, knew and easily inherited the cultural and traditional legacies of their time which decline today. Even though the majority of the younger population resides in the urban areas, therefore, only the older people are left in the villages observing rituals on behalf of all the family members.
Bhutan -
Neypo: Seasonal Offering to the Local Deity
The Neypo ritual is a seasonal offering performed across Bhutan to appease local deities, Ney village in Lhuentse to the northeast is one of many villages to perform this ritual. Neypo literally means "Zhidag", a category of deity who protects the area under their control or certain parts of the valley. The identity of the protector figure varies from region to region, as does the ritual. In Ney village, the Neypo ritual is performed every year on the 15th day of the third lunar month of the Bhutanese calendar. The ritual is performed in their Lhakhang, temple, in order to appease the local deity Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo with offerings. In return, the community asks for his protection of their farms from wild animals. The Zhidag is believed to dwell below the village in a dense forest on the left side of Kurichu. Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo has a grim appearance with a black face, dark clothes, and a reindeer mount with ten horns. He has one face and two hands; in his right hand he holds a flaming sword and in his left hand he holds a robe or Zhagpa sling. Within a single second he could cover the distance between any two places. Eighth century tantric master Guru Rinpoche (Skt. Padmasambhava) bound Drakpa Gyalpo by oath and made him the protector of the East Gate of the hidden land Baeyul Khempajong, and sworn to be the Dharma protector in the region. During the Neypo ritual, the entrance to the dense forest is sealed off for people which will last for a whole season, which is called Rigya lungya dam or Ridam. Ridam is a common practice of mountain closure in which the path to the Zhidag Phodrang, deity’s abode, and the surrounding dense forest are closed to human access from spring to autumn until the rice harvest. During this period, people are generally not allowed to enter the area to collect natural resources or visit any place in the area. After performing rituals, no one is allowed to go there unless except for exceptional occasions. This restriction applies to outsiders as well as people from the village.
Bhutan -
Customs and rituals related to marriage
Soiko saluu Soiko saluu is an engagement ritual when the young man’s parents and relatives pay visit to the young lady’s house to make a proposal. The groom’s family gives engagement earrings to the bride and bride price to her family called kalyn. Bride price is considered as a gratitude to her parents for raising a woman who will become a wife and mother of future husband’s children. The bride’s side prepares dowry, which includes various household items needed for a newly formed family. It includes felt carpets, cushions, matrasses, etc. Kyz uzatuu Kyz uzatuu is a ritual of seeing off a bride when groom’s party comes to take her to the groom’s house. This ritual takes place before the wedding ceremony. This ritual is conducted by bride’s family and friends. There is also a ritual called arkan tartuu. When the groom’s party is coming to take away the bride, bride’s friends pull the rope across the rope, thus, symbolically blocking the way to the bride’s house. The groom’s party gives gifts and money to people holding ropes, thus, earning a right to pass forward. Nike kyiyuu Nike kyiyuu is the main wedding ceremony. A cup of water is prepared for this ritual. Some sugar is added to water and sometimes a silver coin is placed at the bottom of the cup. After reciting verses from Quran, the newly-wed couple drinks water from the cup. The meaning of sharing water is that a couple agrees to live through thick and thin, life’s ups and downs together. When drinking water, the bride and groom make a wish to be pure as water and live long and happily. By adding sugar, they wish to have a sweet life and coin stands for prosperity. Water is a symbol of purity, eternity and sacredness; that is why it is used in a wedding ceremony. Kyrgyz wedding feasts are big. The number of guests vary depending on family’s income. Nowadays, wedding is done in various styles but all of them have abovementioned traditional rituals. Otko kirgizuu According to Kyrgyz traditions, a newly-wed bride cannot go visit houses of grooms neighbors, relatives and friends. That is why the latter invite the newly-wed bride and her husband to their house. This ritual is called otko kirgizuu. The purpose of this ritual is to get acquainted with a new daughter-in-law. A daughter-in-law can go to this ritual with her husband, mother-in-law or other close relatives. When a bride enters the house, she is supposed to bow to the hosts. The newly-wed bride helps pouring tea and serving food as if she was in her house. The hosts give her their blessings and a gift such as dish set, garment, etc. Only after that, a newly-wed bride can freely come to this house and help around during feasts and rituals. After some time after wedding, the newly-wed bride goes to visit her own family. This visit is called torkuloo. She does not go home on her own but rather with her husband and parents-in-law. There are smaller rituals done within this big ritual. This is considered as otko kirgizuu for the newly-wed groom. Despite the changes happening in a modern society, every custom and a ritual reflects the essence of Kyrgyz people and their culture. These rituals highlight the sanctity of family values and transmitted from generation to generation without coming at odds with current worldviews of Kyrgyz people.
Kyrgyzstan -
Thangbi Mewang: Fire Blessing Festival of Thangbi
The Mewang, or Fire Blessing, is believed to ward off diseases and other negative forces. Thangbi Mewang takes place on the first day of the four-day long festival, which is known as Thangbi Mani. ‘Thangbi Mani’ references the temple’s original consecration ceremony which was conducted in part by reciting the mani mantra. The festival is also occasionally referred to as Thangbi Drub, as some maintain the events mark the temple’s consecration ceremony. The origins of Thangbi Mewang are unknown, and no definitive records survive. Some attribute it to the 4th Zhamar Choedrak Yeshe whereas others trace it to the 8th Zhamarpa Pelchen Choekyi Dondrub. Whichever master it was, the liturgical practices and types of mask dances performed are closely related to those performed at Tshurphu in Tibet. Festival preparations begin from the 3rd day of the eighth lunar month, when mask dancers gather in the lhakhang around 3 p.m. to offer serkyem (wine libation) in the gonkhang (scared shrine of dieties). After chak dang hu (shouting Tae hu hu) the leftover wine is served to the mask dancers, who begin practicing the dances for two hours daily between 3–5 p.m. Preliminary dance practices are held for two weeks before the final rehearsal or chamjug is held on the afternoon of the 13th day. The chamjug is not a full-dress rehearsal and does not include costumes or hand implements with the exception of the Nga Cham (Drum Dance) rehearsal, which uses the drum and drumsticks. Previously, the drapas (servants) of Tamzhing Choeje performed the mask dances, though of late this role has transitioned to the five drapa households living around Thangbi village. Amongst the three villages, the mask dances have been performed only by male members from Thangbi village because they are the drapas of Karmapa, whereas the threlpa or the tax-paying households of Goleng and Kharsath act as the sponsors of the mask dance performances. a. Day One (14th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): The 14th day of the eighth lunar month marks the first day of the festival. The main mask dance performance starts after a dinner break, the champas and monks return to the gonkhang to offer serkyem. After this, the costumed dancers carry the masks downstairs to the chamkhang (dance preparation hall). The evening’s programme is performed in the following sequential order: - Drelcham (Dance of Suppression); - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of Malevolent Spirits); - Gonpo Bercham (Dance of Protective Deity Gonpo Bernag); - Jinsek (Fire Offering); - Shazam Dance (Dance of the Stag); - Gektre (Ritual to Expelling Evil); b. Day Two (15th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Mewang, the Fire Blessing The second day, the 15th day of the eighth lunar month, begins with the champon and champas singing a song called “Gya yul ley thon pai dardzoe dang ney-nga”. While the lama and gomchens (lay monk) perform lhabsang (cleansing ritual) in the gonkhang, the gondhar (Maha kala's flag) is once again erected in the courtyard. After lhabsang, ritual prayers dedicated to Gonpo Bernag are performed and concludes in the late morning. The remainder of the day’s programme is held as follows: - Mewang (Fire Blessing); - Zhana Cham (Black Hat Dance); - Tshog Cham (Feast Offering Dance); - Yoeluema; - Gonpo Bercham; - Nga Cham (Drum Dance); - Pholey Moley; - Atsara Dance ; - Shawa gang ley Phabpa, the episode of chasing the stag down the mountain). c. Day Three (16th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tenwang (Blessing form the sacred objects) The same song is sung to mark the start of the 16th day of the eighth lunar month, followed by the ritual prayers. A tshechu is then performed in the Jowo Lhakhang. All participants gather in the lhakhang at around 6 a.m. during tshegug (ritual of longevity). After ritual prayers conclude around 8:30 a.m., the day’s events continue as follows: - Shazam (Dance of the Stags); - Dri Cham (Sword Dance); - Shawa Shakhyi (the episode of driving the stag out of low-lying jungle)14; - Jachung Jichung gi cham; - Atsara’s Choga (ritual performance by Atsaras); - Tenwang (Blessing of sacred objectd) - Khandromai Cham (dance of dakinis) d. Day Four (17th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Thruesol and Landab On the last day of the festival, before the thruesol (cleansing ritual), the lama and gomchens once again perform the lhabsang ritual in the lhakhang. After breakfast, thruesol is performed in all the households of Thangbi village. The procession is led by clarinet players and singers performing the lebey song, followed by the lama, champas, patselpas (traditioanl arm forces), and folk dancers. After thruesol is completed, the champas, patselpas, folk dancers and tsawas (sponsors) see off the lama and they escort him to his residence at Shugdrak Gonpa (monastery). After returning to Thangbi Temple, the new kudrung (discipline master) is appointed and the former kudrung is retired. Both the new and old kudrungs are offered khadars (scarfs) by the villagers. This remainder of the morning is filled with dances, singing, and drinking until Thangbi Mewang festival formally concludes with a luncheon.
Bhutan -
Kolok-pa (An Indigenous Game)
Kolok-pa is the game played in the Thongsa locality. The name of the game is directly derived from the name given to the element. Such game can play in any number of people more than two; it can be played in even numbers only like, two, four, six, eight and ten. According to the local elders the exact date of which the game is been played is not known. However, the game is usually played in the winter seasons, as it is the end of fruitful tiring journey of the year to the villagers as mostly the field are left uncultivated and people do not have works to carry on in the field. The people usually played for fun and for enjoyment by keeping simple bet. Kolok-pa game does not differentiate the gender and age of the player, such game can be played by mixing gender, nevertheless the players opt to play gender wise only, in order to have balance and competitive competition. According to 65 years old Meme Ugyen Guru, the game in the past can be played by burning bamboos and pinewoods for lighting the ground in the evenings. Mostly the betting they used to keep are for Bangchang, Ara (Local wine), pork and eating and drinking. The winner of the match is declare based on mutual understanding made within the players, either to pay bet after every game or out of three sets. According to the local present during our study, they asserted that Kolok-pa game is still playing; however, they share their concern that such game is slowly declining due to the change of times and due to the modernization. Aum Nim Gyalmo shared that nowadays due to the digital games and other available of entertainment, youth are found with least interest to play such age old game, where their interest are driven to digital.
Bhutan -
Kymyz muryndyk ('initiation of koumiss') Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders
Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.
Kazakhstan 2018