“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.

Japan 2009

Ritual of bringing first flowers from mountains in the beginning of spring, which is performed by boys and teenagers.

Traditional knowledge and practices of the growing flowers and other decorative plants.

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.

Dey-zo is an art of manufacturing paper using an indigenous plant locally called Dey-shing (Daphne: ). The term Dey refers to Daphne and zo is an art therefore, when these two words combines, an art of Daphne i.e. making paper out of Daphne pant bark. Though there are more than 21 different types of Daphne species- for paper making purpose in Bhutan are of two types; Dey-kar, white Daphne and the other is Dey-na, black Daphne. The white Daphne grows up to four or five metres in height and has pale green oval shaped leaves and greyish bark. Its flowers are yellow at the top so they look generally yellowish, though the stems are whitish in colour. They produce a pleasant odour. White Daphne grows in Bhutan from an altitude of 1,500 to 3,500 metres in huge groves on the edge of open meadows and forests. The black Daphne, on the other hand, grows from 500 to 3,000 metres above sea level. Unlike the white Daphne, it grows as individual plants, scattered along the forest floor. Though the colour of bark is greyish, the flowers are somewhat brownish. Papers made from black Daphne are considered to be the best for its long lasting and Thsar-sho paper specially manufactured by using bamboo mat frame are normally used for writing purpose. Generally Dey-sho comes in two different types; Tshar-sho and Re-sho. Tshar-sho is made by using a special bamboo crafted mat frame while the latter is a produce from cloth frame though both the papers’ raw materials are either white or black Daphne plant bark. However, upon the demand, paper makers also makes blue or indigo paper (Sho-na or Thing-sho) using the tshar-sho making techniques for gold script writing. Perhaps, the paper making art must have been existed in the early centuries, even before the use of words and sentences, when pictures and symbols were used as a means of communication in Bhutan as the Padma chronicles mention that "the king ordered paper to be collected in the land of the Mon." This was when the Dharma King Trisong Detsen (755-804) of invited Guru Padmasambava to Tibet in the 8th century and introduced the Tantric teachings to that land. Having completed the construction of Samye Monastery, translation of Buddha's precepts and commentary texts that are written in Sanskrit were initiated into Tibetan language through Indian pandits and incarnate translators from Tibet, but there was not enough paper in Tibet. So the king imported huge amounts of paper from the southern country (Bhutan), which enabled Tibet to produce many volumes of the scriptures. This means that trade between Tibet and Bhutan was already active at that time. The so-called shog-tang (shog-ltang), a cargo size of 1000 sheets of Daphne paper, were transported to Tibet in large quantities for trade purposes. This means that very early in history, papermaking was passed down from generation to generation, from father to son, from son to son, and so on. Gradually, as the demand for paper increased, the paper industry in the country expanded, especially in the 17th century when great changes took place in the country after the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651). At that time, the demand for paper increased greatly at the central government, monastic community and monastery levels, leading to a nationwide expansion in the production and use of paper especially for printing purpose. Paper manufacturing units were instituted in Dzongs and employed five people either form the monastic body or from the lay citizens for papermaking. The raw materials such as daphne bark, ash, etc. were supplied by the residents of the respective dzongkhag as tax. The dzongkhag administrations then transported the paper cargoes to the central government and ensured proper remuneration. The skilled workers at the papermaking centers were also appointed from the villages and households in the district, who were exempt from other charges such as labor, fodder, firewood, and pounded rice. A load Shog-tang as mentioned above, was a bundle of 1000 sheets of paper. (Lam Kezang Chophel, 2021). Normally a single sheet of paper measures approximately 75x110 cm and colloquially it is called pheg-pang. Although, papermaking was once a thriving art until 1970 yet, due to the development progress in the country and introduction of imported papers such as books and note books has gradually affected in declining number of paper production centres in the country.

When you arrive in Haa, you are greeted by three giant identical hills rising steeply to the west, known as Miri Pun Sum, also styled as Miri Pun Suum or sometimes Me Rig Puen Sum: The Three Brothers Hills or The Three Sisters Hills. Located on the border between Kartshog and Uesu Gewog, one can admire the aligned hills in the middle of Haa Valley. For centuries, the Miri Pun Sum has been worshipped as the abode and embodiment of the Rig-sum Gonpo, Lords of the Three Families: with Jampleyang or Manjushiri on the left; Chenrizig or Avalokiteshvara in the middle; and Chana Dorje Vajrapani on the right. These three deities are considered the most important deities in the Vajrayana Buddhist pantheon, Miri Pun Sum symbolizes and emplaces them in the landscape, so they are worshipped as guardian deities protecting the Haa Valley. Legend has it that people suddenly appeared out of nowhere from Miri Pun Sum, and built the Lhakhang temple of Karpo and Nagpo, which stands in front of the three hills today. It is also believed that this sudden appearance of people from these three hills gave the place its name "Ha". Locals believe that the three hills themselves embody Buddhist powerful beings, and each is associated with a village as well. The people of the Bji and Kartshog Gewog village block are represented by the hill of Chana Dorji, the Vajrapani bodhisattva; they are known to be darker and tougher than their neighbors. While the notoriously meek people of the Uesu gewog are represented by the hill of Chenrizig, the Avaloketeshvara bodhisattva of compassion. Finally, Samar, Gakiling, and Sangbay gewogs are represented by the hill of Jampelyang, Manjushri bodhisattva of wisdom, to reflect their gentle, down-to-earth, and easygoing nature. People also believe that the collective welfare of Haaps depends on the condition of Miri Pun Sum, which is why the Haaps protect the three hills with great reverence. Locals believe that the Miri Pun Sum maintain peace in the valley. It is also believed that these three hills are responsible for rain, harvest, and prosperity of the families. Only when in the presence of these majestic hills can one truly fathom and appreciate this unique, fascinating landscape. Miri Pun Suum is considered a sacred landmark, revered by all Haaps with great respect and devotion. Since time immemorial, Haaps have offered Soel-kha propitiation rituals to Miri Pun Sum. In 2013, under the leadership of the Lhayul-kha people, the Haaps officially erected a Lha-chhim deity shrine in front of Miri Pun Sum to specifically perform Mang-chhoe, a great offering ritual for the welfare of the entire population, or Soel-kha for Miri Pun Sum. This Mang-chhoe is performed annually on the 30th day of the twelfth lunar month. The Lha-chhim is looked after by two administrators whose posts are filled alternately by the residents of Lhayulkha village.

Generally, the people of Limbu. Rai and Sunware (commonly known as Kiratis) celebrate Ubhauli and Udhauli festival. It is believed that there are two phases in one year – that are a Ubauli (Going up) and Udhuali (Going down) While the Ubhauli puja is usually conducted during the month of March and April (belief of onset of summer); Udhauli puja is a celebration of descending of season and is conducted during the month of November indicating the onset of winter season. It is believed that from November the winter season starts where people, birds, and animals migrate from cold regions to warmer regions. Udhauli and Ubhauli festivals are conducted in two different seasons – one in summer and the other one in winter- of the year. Kiratis are believed to be the worshipers of nature and agriculture being the sustenance of this community, the Kirats celebrate the Udhauli festival to thank Mother Nature for providing them with bountiful harvest during the current season. During the Ubhuali festival, as it marks the time of the year for cultivation, they pray to Mother Nature for timely rain, healthy crops and protection from natural calamities. In short, Ubhauli marks the beginning of cultivation, and Udhauli marks the harvest period. Although, in the past, Udhuali and Ubhauli festivals were conducted separately, the community today has started conducting these two festivals at one go in the month of March and April, calling this festival as Udhauli Ubhauli Puja. This community festival is conducted at the Diana River. This festival brings together all the people in the limbu community to observe a ritual of praying for a timely rain, good harvest and asking for good harvest at the end of the year. When: In the past, their ancestors used to celebrate Udhauli and Ubhauli puja in two different seasons (summer and winter) of the year. While Udhauli puja used to be conducted in the months of November and December, Ubhauli Puja was conducted in the months of March and April. However, with modernization and globalization, it has become difficult for the community to gather twice a year, they have started conducting this Udhauli and Ubhauli puja at the same time between March and April Month on any of the suitable days – Fridays and Saturdays, thus called this festival as Udhauli Ubhauli Puja. This festival is performed for a day. Where: Today, Udhaulu Ubhauli Puja is performed annually by the bank of River Diana. The reason why they perform this puja at the river is they being the worshiper of nature, they believe that the river is clean and is occupied by tutelary deities. People of the community gather together every year to pay homage to their deities, and pray for timely rain, good cultivation and bountiful harvest. Number of Performers: A paw initiates the festival with the help of one helper. It is said that the helper should be someone who would be able to understand the language of the initiator in a state of trance. The community makes merry, praying simultaneously for a smooth and successful entire crop cycle period starting from sowing seeds to harvest of the crop and protection from natural calamities.

Sansari Puja (Ritual for the Mother Nature) is the most important cultural event of the Limbu community, Samtse Gewog (block) under Samtse Dzongkhag (district). Sansari Puja is a community festival usually held in April according to the Gregorian calendar to ask blessings from Mother Nature and the deities living in the forest. They have a particular jungle called Limbu lha-kha where they perform this ritual annually. The reason for performing it in the jungle is because of the cleanliness and tranquility of the forest. During this festival, all members of the Limbu community gather to perform a ritual of gratitude and ask for future prosperity. During this ritual, the deities who preside over the jungle according to the community's beliefs are appeased to give thanks for the past successful year and to wish for a peaceful and prosperous life in the future. This festival is always held on one of the Saturdays of April in the Gregorian calendar. Although Saturday is the most suitable day, it can be moved to other days if one of the Saturdays in the month of April is inconvenient for performing the Sansari Puja according to divination. The Sansari Puja is performed every year on a hill known as Limbu lha-kha of Trasher Pu village by erecting a temporary altar where prayers are offered throughout the day for health and a good harvest. All the villagers gather on the quiet hilltop to perform this puja for the worship of Mother Nature and the well-being of all. The reason for performing this festival in the forest is the belief in a clean environment and mountains, and a patron deity who resides in clean places. The pandit or pujari (priest) and his helpers perform the entire festival while the people in the community are joyful and at the same time pray for good health, life and prosperity.

In Ney, a village in Lhuentse, northeast Bhutan, Chotpa gathers villagers together to make offerings to protective deities, dakinis, great teachers, and the protectors of Buddhist practitioners for the prosperous year. The ritual has a literal name that evokes the yearly celebration of a community gathering to make offerings. On 15th day of eleventh lunar month according to the Bhutanese calendar, Ney villagers gather at the local Lhakhang, temple, in the middle of the village. The Chotpa ritual is mainly to thank for the protection and blessing they received during entire year without any problem in their communities. They appease their guardian deities for ensuring well-being, health, and blessing good fortune for entire communities. They also seek protection on agricultural farm from natural disaster, wild animal, and pest in the forthcoming year as well. Chotpa is thus both a religious and social celebration for the year. On the day of Chotpa, people all gather at the lhakhang. Throughout the day, they chant mantras to make amends for wrong doings and to offer gratitude for the blessing and to request for enhanced wealth and peace. While a lack of definitive sources makes it hard to trace the history of this occasion, the community believe that this ritual dates to early human settlement of the region. Community members consider it an important occasion, and it is a tradition which has continued for potentially centuries.

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013