Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

The ornament adorns all the objects surrounding the Kyrgyz from the moment of birth to the end of life. Nowadays, ornaments are very popular and used not only for decorating yurts and utensils but also for festive attires, jewelry, and souvenirs. Kyrgyz gave the patterns their own names identifying them with elements of their own and surroundings in the world around them. The shape of the symbols has reached us through the ages, almost unchanged. Kyrgyz ornaments include simple geometrical symbols, floral patterns, images of animals (both living and fantastic), nature, and stylized images of people. One of the most popular patterns are: ram’s horns, which repeats the image of this animal and represents prosperity or Umai ene, winged woman with a child, a spirit that represents fertility and protects mothers and babies. There are several types of Kyrgyz ornamental patterns: 1.\tPatterns symbolizing landscapes and other natural objects and processes such as Earth, a spring, eternal movement, Sun, Venus, star constellations, day and night, equinox; 2.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of animal kingdom such as raven claw, goose foot, ram horns, goat horns, a bird wing, a dog tail; 3.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of flora such as almond, clover, pomegranate, tulip; 4.\tPatterns symbolizing household objects as a comb, a lock, tip of a knife, köökör, a vessel for fermented milk; 5.\tPatterns with anthropomorphic elements.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Cheoyongmu refers to a court dance performed by five dancers in five directions (west, east, north, south, and center). Hence it is also called Obang (quintet) Cheoyongmu. It is unique in that it is the only form of a court dance performed using human masks. Designated Important Intangible Cultural Heritage on January 8, 1971, Cheoyongmu is a grandiose, mystic dance performed by male dancers. At the end of the Silla Kingdom (57 B.C. – A.D. 935), King Heongang went on an excursion to the seaport of Gaeunpo (present-day Sejuk Village area in Hwangseong-dong) in the southeastern city of Ulsan. On his way back home, the king felt strange about the sky covered with dark clouds and fog and asked his retainers the reason. “As it is caused by the dragon in the east sea, it should be resolved by conducting good deeds,” a court astronomer replied. Therefore, when the king had a temple built for the dragon, the dark clouds disappeared and the dragon, along with his seven sons, emerged from the east sea and danced. One of the dragon’s sons, named Cheoyong, followed King Heongang to the capital, married a beautiful woman and held an official rank. One night, when Cheoyong returned home, he found the spirit of smallpox trying to attack his wife. As Cheoyong sang and danced, the smallpox spirit presented itself and kneeled in apology. Since then, people have attached an image of Cheoyong to the gate to dispel evil spirits and invite auspicious energies. Until the late Goryeo (918-1392) era, Cheoyongmu had been performed by a dancer, while by the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450) of the Joseon Dynasty it was danced by five performers. According to the Akhak Gwebeom, or the Canon of Music, Cheoyongmu was performed twice at the narye ceremony, which was conducted on New Year’s Eve to ward off evil spirits and the god of death of the passing year. The five dancers are clad in white, blue, black, red and yellow, symbolizing the west, east, north, south and center respectively. Based on the theories of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements, Cheoyongmu symbolizes the repelling of misfortune. The stately and vigorous movements reveal a valiant spirit and magnanimity. Cheoyongmu begins with proceeding toward the king to the music of sujecheon (“Long Life as Eternal as the Heavens”), singing the first line of “Cheoyongga” (Song of Cheoyong) with the words “silla seongdae soseongdae” (“Silla, the period of brightness and greatness”) in the lyric song rhythm of eolnak. Then, the dancers bow to the king and move to the center of the stage to the music of hyangdang gyoju (ensemble by Korean and Tang instruments). To the slow tempo music of seryeongsan (“Mt. Seryeongsan”), they form a square to dance sanjak hwamu (“Scattering in the Form of a Flower”) and rotate to the right. As the formation is changed to a cross, the music is also changed to samhyeon dodeuri (slow 6/4 beat music by three strings). After the dances of suyang sumu (“Dangled and Raised Hands Dance”) and mureup dipimu (“Moving Knee to Change Direction”), the dancers change the formation into a circle and rotate to the left. As the formation is changed to a straight line again, they recite a verse from the Song of Cheoyong, saying “sanha cheolniguk” (“To mountains or fields that are far away”) in the lyric song rhythm of pyeonak and then leave the stage, dancing nakhwa yusu (“Falling Petals and Flowing Streams”) to the music of songgu yeojigok (a sort of dodeuri). In light wine color, the Cheoyong mask features white teeth, tin earrings with a lead bead, and a black official hat decorated with two blossoms of peonies and seven peaches. The light wine color and peaches symbolize warding off the evil spirit, while peonies signify inviting auspicious energies.

South Korea 2009

The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.

Colloquially, Mo-ngan kha-mung (Cotton Woven Cloth) is also called as Kam thag-ma in Dzongkha (Bhutanese national language). It is one of the practices in this locality which is the main source of income for most of the household. This has been practiced for many years but when and who had started this practice was not known. The clothes woven out of cotton are found thick and warm compared to the one which is imported. It‘s cost is also high compared to the one which is woven in ordinary yarn and threads. The products are of different colors and patterns. The cost depends upon the color of the cloth and the patterns used. The cost for the men’s clothes is higher than that of women’s. They used local materials for dying for different colors. With the support from the APIC, the people in the village from a small group to uplift and keep the Mo-ngan kha-mung production alive. According to the Chiwog Tshogpa (Community representative), annually a group of people from Japan and other part of the nation used to visit, however due to prolonged lockdown the group is been affected as not so many products are able to sell. Nimin daza also shared her worrisome feelings of dying such age-old method of producing Mo-ngan kha-mung since not so many youths take interest in learning, nevertheless with the support from government (APIC) she is very optimistic that young women may develop interest, unlike the past they need not have to sit for long to separate seed and Mo-ngan.

Kishuthara (The Silken Kira (Bhutanese women dress)), is a native intricate patterned silk textile particularly Khoma Gewog (block) under Lhuentse Dzongkhag (district) where it become the production hotspot of the Bhutanese woven textile in the country. Kishuthara adhere its origin from the Tibetan king Songsten Gampo’s (Reign: c. 618 – 650) wife, Ashi Jaza (Bhrikuti) who introduced the backstrap loom and weaving traditional wear in Bhutan. According to oral source, the design of Kishuthara was tweeted by the bird called Tsheringmo when Azhi Jaza was wondering about motif. The bird tweeted; “chi tu nee nun, nee thu sum nun” (pick one left two, pick two and left three”) Kishuthara- tema design was thus born. Thus, hereafter Azhi Jaza taught her weavers the procedure of weaving loom textile. Later, Khoma women were able to incooperate the patterns of Kishuthara while they were trading with Tibetan merchant. Additionally, in the eight century, during the visit of Guru Rinpoche and his consort Khandro Yeshey Tshogyel at Khoma, Khandro also blessed the progress of Kishuthara as villager’s livelihood and primary source of income. When Tibet was officially incorporated into the territory of China’s Yuan Dynasty during mid- 13th century, some Tibetan fled to Bhutan. Some steeled at Khoma and from there, villagers learnt the patterns of Kishuthara in full swing. Another source traces back to Azhi Jaza’s merchant Tshonpon Norbu Zangpo, the most influential trader around the world, once reached at Khoma for trading purpose. While staying at Khoma, he had fallen in love with one Khomapa girl and as a token of fidelity, he presented kushung to her. Kushung is the name of patterning technique in their local dialects and thara in tshangla dialect means kira. Then girl learnt the motif by looking at kushung and some believe that motif was taught by the same bird Tsheringmo to the girl. Kushung is later called as Kushuthara due to mispronunciation. On contrary, according to the textile Arts of Bhutan, by Susan S. Beans and Diana K Myers, kushuthara was flourishing as early as the 17th century, local noblewomen commissioned more elaborately kiras until kushuthara become a distinct regional fashion. Today Khoma people are depending mainly on Kishuthara as their livelihood because Kishuthara is the primary source for income generation thus, weaving the patterns of their life. Past few decades, people were engaged in farming and when agriculture season is over, women in group set up their backstrap looms in the harvested paddy field and sheltered by bamboo canopies. However, at present few household are engaged in faming activities while rest of the women are busy with Kishuthara throughout the year.

The Kyrgyz people’s clothes are characterized by many peculiar features typical of the nomads’ clothes. The climate of a high-mountainous country with its sharp fluctuations in the temperature, which is quite severe in some places, leaves a big imprint on the character of the Kyrgyz clothes. This causes the need for various types of warm clothing, which are sometimes even used in the summer season. The perfect example of such clothes is chapan – a long coat similar to a dressing gown, can be both with and without a standing collar, unbuttoned, like most of the Kyrgyz people’s clothes. Chapan is worn by both men and women. Chapan is sewn on a wadding or a camel wool with a cotton lining and is most often quilted. Women's chapans are sewn from the best fabric, which is significantly lighter. They are also often decorated with silver jewellery. There are several variants of this clothing, depending on the region: naigut chapan - a wide tunic-shaped robe, sleeves with a gusset, sewn at a straight angle; kaptama chapan - loose fit, sewn-in sleeves with a rounded armhole; and a straight, narrow chapan with side slits. The hem and sleeves are usually sheathed with a colourful lining. In the south, it is customary to gird the chapan with a large scarf folded diagonally (charchy).

“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.

Japan 2009

Soiko saluu Soiko saluu is an engagement ritual when the young man’s parents and relatives pay visit to the young lady’s house to make a proposal. The groom’s family gives engagement earrings to the bride and bride price to her family called kalyn. Bride price is considered as a gratitude to her parents for raising a woman who will become a wife and mother of future husband’s children. The bride’s side prepares dowry, which includes various household items needed for a newly formed family. It includes felt carpets, cushions, matrasses, etc. Kyz uzatuu Kyz uzatuu is a ritual of seeing off a bride when groom’s party comes to take her to the groom’s house. This ritual takes place before the wedding ceremony. This ritual is conducted by bride’s family and friends. There is also a ritual called arkan tartuu. When the groom’s party is coming to take away the bride, bride’s friends pull the rope across the rope, thus, symbolically blocking the way to the bride’s house. The groom’s party gives gifts and money to people holding ropes, thus, earning a right to pass forward. Nike kyiyuu Nike kyiyuu is the main wedding ceremony. A cup of water is prepared for this ritual. Some sugar is added to water and sometimes a silver coin is placed at the bottom of the cup. After reciting verses from Quran, the newly-wed couple drinks water from the cup. The meaning of sharing water is that a couple agrees to live through thick and thin, life’s ups and downs together. When drinking water, the bride and groom make a wish to be pure as water and live long and happily. By adding sugar, they wish to have a sweet life and coin stands for prosperity. Water is a symbol of purity, eternity and sacredness; that is why it is used in a wedding ceremony. Kyrgyz wedding feasts are big. The number of guests vary depending on family’s income. Nowadays, wedding is done in various styles but all of them have abovementioned traditional rituals. Otko kirgizuu According to Kyrgyz traditions, a newly-wed bride cannot go visit houses of grooms neighbors, relatives and friends. That is why the latter invite the newly-wed bride and her husband to their house. This ritual is called otko kirgizuu. The purpose of this ritual is to get acquainted with a new daughter-in-law. A daughter-in-law can go to this ritual with her husband, mother-in-law or other close relatives. When a bride enters the house, she is supposed to bow to the hosts. The newly-wed bride helps pouring tea and serving food as if she was in her house. The hosts give her their blessings and a gift such as dish set, garment, etc. Only after that, a newly-wed bride can freely come to this house and help around during feasts and rituals. After some time after wedding, the newly-wed bride goes to visit her own family. This visit is called torkuloo. She does not go home on her own but rather with her husband and parents-in-law. There are smaller rituals done within this big ritual. This is considered as otko kirgizuu for the newly-wed groom. Despite the changes happening in a modern society, every custom and a ritual reflects the essence of Kyrgyz people and their culture. These rituals highlight the sanctity of family values and transmitted from generation to generation without coming at odds with current worldviews of Kyrgyz people.

Karagöz is a form of shadow theatre where human, animal or object figures, known as “tasvir”s, are held in front of a light source and cast their shadows on a camel or ox-hide screen using horizontal rods. Karagöz is a mosaic of various art forms including poetry, narration, music and dance. All the elements of oral literature (tekerlemes (tongue-twister), bilmeces (riddles), supernatural stories, kılıklamas, repartees, exaggerations, puns, and so on) continue throughout the performance. The rhythm in which both dialogue and action proceed creating a form of expression that even those who do not know Turkish can appreciate. Once the play begins, an introductory figure, called “göstermelik” is placed on the screen in order to give the audience an idea as to the major themes of the play. The “göstermelik” can be either related to the play or not. “Scenery göstermelik” is shown till the end of play whereas “main göstermelik” removed just before the prologue. When the play begins, the göstermelik vanishes to the shrill sound of a whistle called “narake”. The characters in Karagöz are played by means of the tasvirs. The main characters are common for each play, yet the new characters are added by cutting new tasvirs. The main characters are Karagöz and Hacivat along with the others as Zenne, Çelebi, Tiryaki, Beberuhi, Laz, Kayserili, Kastamonulu, Rumelili Arap, Kürt, Arnavut, Frenk/Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, Matiz, Külhanbeyi and some other entertaining characters (çengi –dancer-, köçek –dancer in woman’s garment, kantocu- fin-de-siècle cabaret chanteuse-,hokkabaz –illusionist- and cambaz- acrobat). “Hayali” is the person who actually runs the performance. He is the creative artist who directs and animates the whole proceeding, regulating the entire show on his own. During the play, he may make changes in the play depending on the audience atmosphere, such as updating topics, shortening or prolonging the scenes, adjusting the order of the scenes or completely taking them out. Karagöz artist can have one or more assistants, who are also called “hayali” or “hayalbaz”. “Sandıkkâr” is in charge of the instruments, while “yardak” sings and “dayrezen” plays the tef (tambourine). Karagöz artists come from a master-apprentice discipline. Apprenticeship begins with the actual attachment of rods to tasvirs and lasts until reaching the maturity to run a whole play. “The one who falls behind to be a good “yardak” cannot be a master Karagöz artist” clearly expresses the importance of master-apprentice relation in Karagöz. The comic elements are emphasized in Karagöz plays involving exaggerations, puns, and imitations of the regional accents.

Turkey 2009

One can easily identify a Lhop in a crowd by his or her unique clothing. They have a distinct clothing culture that marks the physical identity of their ethnic group community. The origin or tradition of the clothing is still unknown, but the elders of the Lhop community believe that it has been passed down from generation to generation. In the past, the Lhop wore clothing made from the fibers of the nettle plant, which grows on the foothills of mountains 500 to 1000 meters above sea level and is called Yadzin. With the planting of cotton in the Lhop community, the nettle fiber was abandoned. Nowadays, the traditional clothing of the Lhops is quickly being replaced by the national clothing Gho and Kira. The Lhops have their own traditional dress called Gaada. It is a simple, without pattern, white, coarse cotton cloth about 3 x 2 meters in size. Both men and women wear simple, without pattern, white cotton clothing. Lhop dress Gaada is a white piece of coarse cloth about 3 x 2 meters in size. Lhop men and women wear Ra-hem and Gui-hem, respectively, which are made of Pas-jin (cotton). Ra-hem Ra-hem is a simple, plain white garment that is folded over from the back, crossed over the chest, and knotted at the neck. The cloth is tied around the waist with a belt called Pa-dzin. The edges are tied together at the center fold point using a bamboo spindle called a rim. The cloth is pulled up above knee length and tied tightly. The loose cloth forms a large pouch in the front part of the body, which can hold many things. Gui-hem Women put on their clothes in the same way, but the cloth covers their body from the shoulder to mid-calf, leaving a smaller pouch on the front along the torso. In their traditional dress, they do not need carrying bags. Gui-hem was always like any other Kira worn by most Bhutanese women, except that it was made of cotton. They tie the edge of their cloth over their shoulder with a brooch made of bamboo called a lung. On important occasions, women wear jewelry. Both men and women wear Pun-gop (tego or shirt) over their shoulders. The Lhops use very few garments at home. Currently, they do not weave or knit their own clothes. Wear and tear on their clothes are crudely repaired or sewn with the help of native bamboo needles, selvages, and threads (Jin) made from plant fibers. Steel needles and mill threads from commerce are rapidly displacing selvages and Jin. Lhops no longer wear their traditional clothing regularly, but they still wear it at Lhop dances.