The traditional turkmen carpets and carpet products are the hand-woven woollen textile goods of ornamental art with quadrangular shape in different sizes with dense texture ornamented with characteristic colored patterns pertaining each separately to one of five main turkmen tribes (tekke, yomut, ersary, saryk and salor). Their designs form patterns from clear linear geometric ornaments (dots, lines and figures). Compositional decision of the turkmen carpets has characteristic features: the central field with major patterns ("gels") in octagonal forms is limited with the borders, patterns which differ from that of the central field. The alternation of recurrence of designs represented with combination of the belt and centric ornamental compositions. Reality surrounding a carpet weaver (local flora, fauna and environment) has been reflected in a combination of the threads, pictures and colours creating carpet designs. The turkmen carpets are created on horizontal or vertical looms mainly using different coloured wool threads. Weavers use both types of knotting; double knots with double weft or one-and-a half knot with double weft. Carpets serve both as a floor covering and a wall decoration functions and substitute furniture to satisfy everyday aesthetic needs of turkmen people. There are also special carpets woven for the birth of a child, for wedding ceremonies, for prayers and for mourning rituals. Carpet products such as chuvals (sacks), khorjuns (saddle-bags), torbas (bags) are destined for clothing, transportation of various household paraphernalia and used for decorations of camels, horses, nomad tents, wedding processions etc.

Turkmenistan 2019

Oshi Palav (pilaf) is a kind of traditional meal of the Tajik people, which is prepared regularly at homes and in celebrations, rituals, gatherings. In dining rooms, national restaurants and tea-houses the Oshi Palav is everyday favourite meal of Tajik people. The Oshi Palav is prepared from carrot, rice, meat (beef, lamb, chicken), oil, onion and water in a big pot. For better flavor, cooks add some peas, saffron, garlic, caraway seeds, pepper and barberry. During the centuries Tajik people created different kinds of this meal, like "Oshi yak ba yak", "Palavi toki", "Oshi devzira", "Bedonapalav" and etc. up to 200 kinds of the element. In traditional Tajik culture there are many customs, rituals, celebrations and social gatherings dedicated specially to the element in which participate a big number of people, for example, the rituals "maslihat-oshi" (osh for advices), "sabzirezakunon" (cutting carrot rite), "oshi nahor" (morning osh), "oshi zanho" (osh for women), "oshi harifona" (osh of friends), "oshi gapkhuri" (osh with talking) and etc. The Oshi Palav in such gatherings and rituals brings people together and has the character of social integration and unity. People of Tajikistan recognize the Oshi Palav as a part of their traditional cultural heritage and call that as "King of meals". There are many stories, legends, folksongs, proverbs and other folklore texts regarding the element, which show the importance of the element among people. Also the element created many kinds of folk dance with plate, imitating the Oshi Palav cooking, which are played by folklore dance groups.

Tajikistan 2016

Shital Pati is a handcrafted mat made by weaving strips of a green cane locally known as ‘Murta’ (Schumannianthus dichotomus) pre-dominantly in the north-eastern Sylhet region of Bangladesh. Shital Pati, literally meaning “cool mat”, earned its name from the cold comfort, which offers in the tropical weather of Bangladesh. Visually it is a flat and rectangular sheet which can be rolled up to put away. When spread on floor or bed, its upper surface appears glossy and smooth while the inner surface is rough. The people all over Bangladesh use it as ‘sitting mat’, bedspread or praying mat and size of Shital Pati varies accordingly. Its length normally varies from 2 and a half feet to 7 feet. The width may vary from 2 feet to 6 feet. It is not used as a floor-covering. Although made of flat, thin strips of green cane, its natural look is brown in finished form. The weaving pattern gives it a texture akin to jigsaw puzzle. Cane-strips may be dyed too. Also, the craftspeople known as 'patial' or 'patikaar' (meaning 'mat-maker') may weave cane strips in a way so as to create motifs of birds, animals, flowers and leaves or other symmetric patterns.

Bangladesh 2017

In Khorasan of today a special music known as the music of “Bakhshis” is widespread. It is played by a master-musician playing Dotār (the regional long-lute type instrument with two strings). The music constitutes the local music of the region, played as solo, and accompanied by improvisations. Bakhshis sing epic and Sufic poems, containing mythological and historical themes. Presently, they perform in various gatherings of the locals, both cheerful and mourning; in the past other types of celebrations were attended by them, too. They perform their Maghams in Turkish, Kurdish, Turcoman and Persian. The contents the music of Bakhshis consists of legends, and historical and ethnic narrations containing epic, religious and romantic themes, performed as singing, ordinary speech, and citation in a repetitious manner. The events of the story are cited; and the poems are sung. Accordingly, the music of Bakhshis can be considered as a combination of music (vocal and instrumental) and verbal dramatic arts. DEFINITIONS: “BAKHSHI” In Persian, the word “Bakhshi” derives from the gerund “Bakhshish” meaning “granting”, conveying the impression that the Bakhshi is an exception in character, whom God has granted a gift. Accordingly, “Bakhshis should be able to sing, play, versify, narrate and make their own musical instruments.” MAGHAM: Bakhshis play regional Maghams, and their music is known as Maghami. Magham consists of pieces of instrumental and/or vocal music, influenced by the regional locals’ culture and beliefs. “Magham” is a popular word in other regions of Iran and some neighboring countries. However, the content and performances define Bakhshis music as especial in identity, while enjoying shared roots with the traditional music of the region, and the Repertory of Iranian Traditional Music, as well. TYPES OF MAGHAMS: The common Maghams of Bakhshis Music are as follows: Navāyī Navāyī is the most widespread Magham of the music of Bakhshis. It is diverse, vocal, rhythmless, accompanied by Sufic poems. The performer shall not be known a Bakhshi, unless he is competent in playing Navāyī. Modulations are observed in variations of Navāyī. Tajnīs A Turkish Magham, Tajnīs enjoys many intricacies which mark competent Bakhshis once performed. Tajnīs is vocal and rhythmless, accompanied by Sufic poems. In comparison with Navāyī, Tajnīs is poorer in its varieties Modulation in variations of Tajnīs are also popular. Gerāyelī/Gerye-ye Leylī (Leyli’s cry) Gerāyelī is a sorrowful Turkish magham, with poems narrating breakaways. The chanson enjoys rhythmic and rhythmless parts. Shākhatāyī A Turkish vocal and rhythmic magham, with sorrow in the vocal section, and cheer in the rhythmic one. Shākhatāyī embraces many varieties; and its long poems present religious themes. Loy Loy is an antique magham, belonging, specifically, to Kormanj Kurds of Northern Khorasan. It is a vocal and instrumental magham, with romantic and describing content. THEMES: The following provide Bakhshis Music with its common themes: (EPIC): “Kūroghlī”: An epical-historical story, narrating the gallantries of a hero named Kūroghlī in his battles against the rulers of his time; (HISTORICAL): “Shah Esmail”, narrating the gallantries of Imam Ali, the first among the Imams, utilizing the life story of Shah Esmail, founder of the Safavid Dynasty; (RELIGIOUS): “Ebrahim Adham”, the religious-Sufic life story of the Sufist, Ebrahim Adham; (ROMANTIC): “Leyli & Majnoun”, the love-story of Majnoun, and his beloved, Leyli. DOTĀR The only musical istrument accompanying the music of Bakhshis Dotār: a long-lute with two strings. (“Dotār”, in Persian, means an instrument with two strings). Traditionally, the strings were made of silk; and Bakhshis used to determine the desired thicknesses. Since around forty years ago, however, metal strings of desired diameters started to be employed instead. Bakhshis consider one string as male, and the other female. The male string remains open, while the female one is being used to play the main melody. The harmony provides the music with its unique character. The five fingers play the role of the plectrum. The bowl is pear-shaped, and is made of berry wood, as a unibody. The tall and slim handle/neck is made of stronger apricot wood. Bakhshis Dotār's hold 12 to 14 frets. Nowadays nylon has been substituted for the traditional sheep intestine as the material. PLAYING SKILLS: Khorasani Dotārs are played in different pitches. The major factors responsible for the variations include the diverse musical habits of the inhabitant ethnicities, and the verifiec “maghams” on the region. The two main pitches are, however, the, so called, Turkish and Kurdish pitches. Through the former, Navāyī, Tajnīs, Gerāyelī, and Shākhatāyī, among others, are performed, and, through the latter, Loy, Allāh-Mazār, Jafargholī, and the like.

Iran 2010

The Mevleviye is an ascetic Sufi order founded in 1273 in Konya, from where it gradually spread throughout the Ottoman Empire. Today, the Mevleviye can be found in many Turkish communities throughout the world, but the most active and famous centres of the order’s activity are in Konya and Istanbul. The Mevleviye are renowned for their whirling dances. Following a recommended fast of several hours, the whirlers begin to rotate on their left feet in short twists, using the right foot to drive their bodies around the left foot. The body of the whirler is meant to be supple, with eyes open but unfocused so that images become blurred and flowing. At their dancing ceremonies, or Sema, a particular musical repertoire called ay›n is played. Based on four sections of both vocal and instrumental compositions, it is performed by at least one singer, a flute-player, called neyzen, a kettledrummer and a cymbal player. Dancers used to receive 1,001 days of reclusive training within the mevlevi-houses (mevlevihane), where they learned about ethics, codes of behaviour and beliefs by practising prayer, religious music, poetry and dance. After this training, they remained members of the order but returned to their work and families. As a result of secularization policies, all mevlevihane were closed in 1925.The Turkish government began to allow performances again, though only in public, in the 1950s, restrictions were eased in the 1990s. Some private groups are re-establishing the original spiritual and intimate character of the Sema ceremony. However, over the thirty years the tradition was practised clandestinely, transmission focused rather on music and songs than on spiritual and religious traditions, which has deprived performances of part of their religious significance. Consequently, many sema ceremonies are no longer performed in their traditional context but for tourist audiences, and have been shortened and simplified to meet commercial requirements.

Turkey 2008

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Inscribed in 2013 (8.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the temperature falls in late autumn, the topic of choice for most Koreans is kimjang, making a large quantity of kimchi to sustain them through the country’s long and harsh winter. Kimchi, a categorical name for Korean-style preserved vegetables seasoned with local spices and fermented seafood, was recorded as part of Korean diet as early as 760 years ago. Kimchi has been an essential part of Korean meal across class and regional differences. The most humble meal consists of cooked rice and kimchi, but even the most luxurious banquet is not complete without kimchi. Kimjang incorporates Koreans' understanding of their natural environment, and closely reflects their regional ecosystems. Over time, Koreans have developed methods that best fit their specific natural conditions. Kimjang is thus deeply rooted in the natural milieu of Korean habitats. Preparation for kimjang follows a yearly seasonal cycle. In spring, households secure shrimp, anchovy, and other seafood for salting and fermenting. In summer, they purchase sea salt to be stored for up to two or three years, to let the bitter taste of brine out. In late summer, red chili peppers are dried and ground into powder. In late autumn housewives carefully monitor weather forecasts to determine the optimal date for kimjang: it is important to choose the right temperature for the kimchi to acquire the best taste through storing it in cool and stable conditions. In the custom of exchanging kimchi among households after kimjang, innovative skills and creative ideas are shared and accumulated.

South Korea 2013

Gagaku is one of the Japanese performing arts, which are expressed by playing musical instruments, with long, slow songs and dance-like movements, and performed at ceremonies or banquets at the Imperial Palace or in a theatre, such as the National Theatre in Tokyo. Gagaku consists of (i) Kuniburi no Utamai, (ii) the Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent, and (iii) Utamono. The substances or repertoires have been created in the history and culture of Japan and become distinctive. Kuniburi no Utamai had been formed up around the tenth century with original Japanese songs and dances long before foreign music and instruments were brought into Japan in the fifth century. While the dance and music that came via the continent use only musical instruments, Kuniburi no Utamai is mainly composed of songs and played just partly with a Japanese harp and Kagura flute. The choreography of Kuniburi no Utamai is simple but noble and grave. The Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent consist of an instrumental tune, kangen, which developed from such Asian music and dances that reached Japan via ancient China and the Korean peninsula during the four hundred years from the fifth century through the ninth century, and was shaped by the history and culture of Japan, and (b) bugaku, the ceremonial dance to this tune. The Japanization is the process as follows: (i) the configuration of performance consisting of those derived from China, Central Asia, and India and those from the Korean peninsula: (ii) the selection of foreign music instruments and the formation of the smaller chamber music ensembles. Those used here are wind instruments (Sho, Hichiriki and Fue), strings (Biwa and So), percussion instruments, and others. Utamono is the vocal music that was newly formed around the tenth century in Japan under the influence of music from abroad. Some of its lyrics are Japanese folk songs and some are ancient Chinese poems. As briefly explained above, the history of Gagaku stretches over more than a millennium. Gagaku-ryo, i.e. the department of Gagaku, was set up as a national institution by the enactment of the year 701. The Imperial Court aimed at establishing a centralized State under the rule of written laws and regulations, known as Ritsu-Ryo Kokka. Historians think that Gagaku was incorporated into the national system as an essential part of official ceremonies. In 752, for example, these performing arts were performed at the ceremony to bring the soul into Great Buddha statue in the temple of Todai-ji, which has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1998. In the tenth century the performing arts from the Asian continent were sophisticated and Japanized while new Utamono and new repertoires of Bugaku were composed under the influence of performing arts from abroad; the form of today’s Gagaku was being established. Moreover, the style of acting and the performance space were also being set. The individual members who compose the Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency in charge of the transmission of Gagaku are mainly descendants of specific families who occupied such posts as a family profession. Although the tradition of Gagaku faced difficulties several times because of the decline of the Imperial Court and the aristocracy, who were patrons of Gagaku, and because of political turbulence and conflicts, certain families in Kyoto, Osaka, and Nara have kept the tradition, and do not let it cease. In the latter half of the 18th century, the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency was established, incorporating musicians from several localities, and this was the predecessor of the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency. As explained above, the Department members recognize Gagaku as part of their precious cultural heritage transmitted from their ancestors. As Gagaku has been designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property of Japan since 1955, it is recognized as an item of important cultural heritage which has high historical and artistic value for the Japanese people. Gagaku is the oldest tradition among the Japanese traditional performing arts. The Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency is widely recognized as the authentic transmitter of the tradition. The transmitters recognize Gagaku as their own unique culture of which they can be proud before their contemporaries in Japan and throughout the world. The transmission and performance of Gagaku contribute greatly to raising the holding community’s sense of identity and continuity. Thus, Gagaku has been transmitted from generation to generation for a long time, developed corresponding to the politics and the surroundings of each time, and constantly recreated. The history of Gagaku illustrates very well how Japan has transformed culture from abroad and sophisticated them as part of our own culture. The performing arts transmitted to-day varies from those originating in ancient Japan to Japanized, sophisticated and developed ones derived from abroad. In this sense, Gagaku is the crystallization of the culture created by the society and history of Japan. In 1955 Gagaku was recognized as a part of cultural heritage, and designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property. Therefore, Gagaku functions as one cultural tool to reconfirm the Japanese identity.

Japan 2009

The community transmitting Chakkirako is located at the tip of the peninsular and developed as a town of a fishery harbour as well as a military port since the twelfth century. It is also a harbour from a storm for civil ships of other areas. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six, as generally called Chakkirako. Some of them were popular dances in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, and others were created in the early seventeenth century. Mariners visiting the harbour demonstrated dances of other local communities, and the people of this community transformed them with their ideas into the dance to mainly celebrate a happy new year. The dance of Chakkirako is performed on January 15th every year at the shrine, indoors or before the houses of the community in order to celebrate a happy new year and pray for a bountiful catch of fish, an abundant harvest and prosperity of each family. In Chakkirako sing five to ten women at the age from 40s to 70s while dance ten to twenty girls at the age from 5 to 12 to the songs. Some lyrics of the songs derive from popular ones of the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and others from traditional ones of the early seventeenth century. The girls are well dressed up with colourful kimono, which are worn on the New Year’s Day or other special celebration days. The girls dance face to face in two lines in the four repertoires out of six. They dance in a circle in another repertoire, and dance face to face or in a circle in the remaining one. They dance with one or two folding fans in their hands in the five repertoires. In one of the face-to-face dances they dance with a thin bamboo of twenty-five centimetre length in each hand, making light sounds by clapping these two bamboos. This performing art was named Chakkirako after the sound of this clapping; it sounds to the people chakkirako, and became popular in the mid-twentieth century. No musical instruments are used in Chakkirako except for these bamboos. Chakkirako is regarded as one of local distinctive cultures transmitted for a long time as a celebration of a happy new year or as an entertainment by the local people. Chakkirako derives from dances and songs performed in other local communities of Japan. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976 by the National Government, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. Found in Chakkirako are some essence of songs and dances popular in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries or in the early seventeenth century. It became girls’ dance by the mid-eighteenth century at latest. Chakkirako has been performed as dances to celebrate a happy new year. Because it is colourful and brilliant dances by girls, it has been also performed at the celebration of a new construction of houses or a bountiful catch of fish. Chakkirako is one of entertainments to the people of the community accompanied with celebration. Only in the early twentieth century its aspect of praying to a deity was emphasized while dancing. Girls wore a shrine-style kimono at that time. Back to the basics later, they resumed to wear a colourful kimono to-day. Until the late twentieth century, Chakkirako was performed by the limited people of the small community. Then, people in the surrounding communities have also participated in its transmission and open performance. Today, Chakkirako is certainly performed to the public on January 15th every year. Therefore, the performers concentrate on practices and rehearsals from one week before the day. Elderly women instructed girls, and thus it is transmitted from generations to generations. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of Chakkirako before the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. Chakkirako is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances retain old performing arts which were once popular in local communities. Through this performance can been found the Japanese sentiment on performing arts which was gradually formed up for a long time. The background of the transmission and the performance of Chakkirako indicate the interaction between a local community and performing arts. As mentioned above, Chakkirako has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generation.

Japan 2009

achi no Dengaku is a performing art expressed by the local people through ritual dancing to flute music and beating drums to wish for an abundant harvest of rice crops. The repertoires, manner of dance and music have been fixed through its long tradition. In 1976 it was designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, and is currently recognized as an important cultural heritage that represents trends in Japanese people's way of living. It is performed on a stage of approximately 4m square, temporarily installed during a festival in ""Kumano Nachi Taisha,"" a tutelage shrine in the region. The festival is known nationwide as the Nachi Fire Festival, and Nachi no Dengaku is recognised as an important tradition that is a key component of the festival. Nachi no Dengaku is performed by one flute player, 4 drummers with drums around their waists, 4 players of ""Binzasara,"" a musical instrument that is only used during Dengaku, and 2 others. The flute player performs at the side, while 8 to 10 performers appear on stage and dance in accordance with the drums and Binzasara. They change their formation in various ways, by swapping positions, dancing in a circle or symmetrically. There are 22 repertoires, each performed in 45 minutes. The Binzasara is 8cm by 2cm, 1cm thick and is made by stringing together around 70 wooden plates. The dancer holds each handle of the Binzasara, and dances while making a sound by moving the wooden plates like a wave.

Japan 2012

WASHOKU is social practice based on a comprehensive set of skills, knowledge, practice and traditions related to the production, processing, preparation and consumption of food. It is associated with an essential spirit of respect for nature closely related to the sustainable use of natural resources. WASHOKU has developed as part of daily life and with a connection to annual events and is constantly recreated in response to changes in human relationship with natural and social environment. Basic knowledge, social and cultural characteristics associated with WASHOKU are typically seen in New Year’s cerebrations when Japanese people immerse themselves in their tradition transmitted from generations to generations, thus reaffirming their identity and continuity. WASHOKU in New Year’s celebrations are regionally rich in diversity, given that each province has its own historical and geographical specificity. People make various preparation to welcome the deities of the incoming year; pounding rice cakes, preparing special meals such as beautifully decorated dishes called Osechi, Zoni and Toso, using fresh locally available ingredients each of which has a symbolic meaning. These dishes are served on special tableware and shared by the family members, or shared collectively by the community members, ensuring peoples’ health and social cohesion. This provides an occasion for elderly persons to teach the meanings contained in this social practice to the children. In daily life, WASHOKU has important social functions for the Japanese to reaffirm identity, to foster familial and community cohesion, and to contribute to healthy life, through sharing traditional and well-balanced meals.

Japan 2013

Raiho-shin rituals take place annually in various regions of Japan on days that mark the year’s beginning or days when seasons change. Such rituals stem from folk beliefs that deities from the outer world—Raiho-shin—visit communities and usher in the new year or new season with happiness and good luck. Local people dressed as deities in outlandish costumes and frightening masks visit houses, admonishing the lazy and teaching children to behave well. The head of the household treats the deities to a special meal to conclude the visit. In some communities, the rituals are held in the streets. Because the rituals have developed in regions with different social and historical contexts, they are diverse in form. For example, Suneka of Yoshihama have abalone shells dangling from their hips, whereas Kasedori of Mishima wear bamboo hats. The various appearances reflect different regional characteristics. The people who play a role as Raiho-shin also vary regionally. In some communities, men of a certain age become Raiho-shin, and in others, women play such roles. By performing the rituals, local people—notably children—have their identities molded; they develop a sense of affiliation to the community and strengthen ties among themselves. In accordance with their ancestors’ teachings, community members share responsibilities and cooperate in preparing and performing the rituals. Some prepare masks and costumes, some play a role as Raiho-shin, and others welcome Raiho-shin into their houses. Only when this ritual is over can community members look forward to a year free from misfortune.

Japan 2018