Aitys (in Kazakh language), Aitysh (in Kyrgyz) is an improvised competition of two akyns, the form of oral poetry performed in a singing manner, poetic contest of improvisations or a poetic duel of wits. The element is performed to the accompaniment of traditional musical instruments: Kazakh dombra or Kyrgyz komuz. Two akyns compete with each other in improvisation of verses on topical themes in a wit-sparkling manner alternating humour and deep philosophic reflections. During the competition two akyns sitting opposite each other develop a song-like dialogue catching up the opponent’s words and performing in turn their improvisations on the spur of the moment. Songs performed during the aitysh-aitys are improvised on whatever topics which come up depending on the wish of the audience. The winner of the competition is the one considered to have demonstrated the most musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit. The element is very popular among people and is considered as a “folk tribune”. In fact, all regions of the countries have bearers and practitioners who often represent their local communities at the poetic competitions raising up topical and urgent problems of social life and criticizing all kinds of vices. The element is practiced at various events from local festivities to nation-wide events. Aitysh/Aitys presents the art of a dialogue participated not only by the performers but by their listeners as well. It is an essential part of life for the communities of tokmo-akyns and aityskers.

Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan 2015

Kazakh Kuresi represents ancient form and style of Kazakh traditional wrestling, essential element of all festive events, celebrations and integral part of modern Kazakhstani national identity. Since ancient times, the beauty of this sports and strength of the hero-wrestlers “Baluans” have been reflected in folk epics, fairy legends, Kazakh literature like the poem of Iliyas Zhansugurov “Kulager” and Gabit Musrepov’s novel “Ulpan”, and archaeological findings. Wrestling of two opponents is performed on 12m.x 12m. sized mat. The opponents are matched according to their weight category ranging from 60 kg and above 90 kg. All techniques are performed above the waist – wrestlers must fight on foot, making it more difficult. Wrestling on the ground is prohibited. The purpose is to lay the opponent on shoulders. Duration of the match is 5 minutes with extra time of 3 minutes which is offered in case of even number of points. Evaluation of matches is counted by: a) “Buk” – if the opponent touches the mat with abdomen, knee or both knees; b) “Zhambas” is given for three “Buks” or when the opponent touches the mat with one side of pelvis or both; b) “Zhartylay zhenis” is awarded for the technique when the opponent touches the mat with both shoulders.

Kazakhstan 2016

For thousands of years, nomadic herders of Mongolia roamed across the country-side from season to season. Dry, windy areas close to rivers are best for summers while areas away from river-bank wind and close to mountains or hills are best for winter stays. In the country where pasture always was and still is a public domain, the herders moved freely to the best locations for the season. With this lifestyle of freedom of movement and pastoral animal husbandry was invented the national dwelling called the ‘Mongol ger’. It is a round structure of easily dismantle-able walls, polls and a round ceiling covered with canvas and felt, tightened with ropes. The ger was designed to be light enough for Mongolian nomads to carry, flexible enough to fold-up, pack and assemble, sturdy enough for multiple dismantling and assembling as well as easy for regulating temperatures within. Over many centuries the mongol ger was modified into a perfectly aerodynamic structure which can withstand Mongolia's fierce spring winds ranging up to 18-20 meter/sec. It can be dismantled in half an hour and assembled in an hour by a small family with 2-3 adults. The Mongol ger has many varieties. The most common “5-wall ger” consists of five lattice segments forming a circular wall, a door, a toono (round window ceiling), two bagana (columns that hold the toono), and 88 uni(long poles that connect wall lattices and toono which forms the roof of the ger). There are also several accessories attached to the ger.

Mongolia 2013

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Kara Zhorga (kaz. 'Kara zhorga','black horse') - is the Kazakh folk dance, when a dancer performs an experienced rider, horseman, prancing on the pacer. Dance promotes horsemanship. Initially, it was considered male kind of dance. Gradually Kara Zhorga was danced by girls too. The Kazakh dance has reflected peculiarities of worldview and material culture of cattle-breeding nomads, embracing different aspects of labor, spiritual activity and way of life in the steppe. For the nation who poeticized everything within its environment any move could be the impetus for creating a dance element. A horseman that rode past at a gallop was compared with a darted arrow. A girl strolling slowly in the steppe was compared with a lonely grass-blade swinging in the wind, or a bird’s flight in the endless blue. The nature of Kazakh dances reflects the depth of a specific world-perception of the nation, which is spilled over into a certain style of performance and expressed in a particularly upright proud bearing of a performer, in certain positions and movements of her/his hands. Kara-Zhorga dance reproduces a picture of a traditional horse competition called bayga. "... The Maman village gathers for a feast (‘toy’). The young joyful horsemen step out from the crowd. The young men, bending their bodies slightly forward and swinging harshly with their whips, eagerly enter the competition. The horsemen, moving in circles, lines and diagonals, outrun each other, demonstrating the agility of a leap or an intricate hop. The imitation of horserace - rhythmically sharp-cut hops from one foot, big leaps with a curved body – have interspersed with dance technique. A sharp-cut, rough and springy folk tune of Kara-Zhorga dance and the movement which coincides with the horserace rhythm, successfully merge into a single image of bold horsemen (‘dzhigits’) who have equestrianism at their finger tips." (Sarynova, 1976: 37) “Kara-Zhorga is a dance that embodies a variety of nuances and technique. Kara Zhorga dance differs by nuances and technique of execution. It combines the 'militancy and buffoonery, softness and mobility, speed and peace' (A. Ismailov). The folk dance has various performance types: as 'a pair of zhorgas' ('qos zhorga') and 'male zhorga' ('erkek zhorga').

Dombra is a traditional Kazakh musical instrument and object of material culture. The origin оf the name 'dombra' is associated with the activities of the voodoos ('baqsy', 'qam') - the shamans. It is believed that the prototype of the current dombra originated 4000 years ago. The magic formula 'dem bura' translates as "tune the breath", "revive (turn off) the instruments embodies the principle of assimilation of a living creature. In the process of evolution has acquired a stable dombra aesthetic function, form and substantive nature. Dombra consists of two strings (sometimes three and four string) is pear-shaped with a thin elongated neck and head with two pins. The tool is designed to accompany the singing and play kuys. Masters use two methods of manufacturing dombra: traditional and modern.

Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. The art of DombraKuy refers to a short solo composition performed on a traditional pear-shaped, long-necked, two-stringed, plucked musical instrument known as a dombra. The music aims to connect people to their historic roots and traditions through classical and improvised pieces that engage the audience at a spiritual and emotional level. Public engagement in the performance serves as one of the most important means of social communication between people and contributes to the transfer of knowledge and skills related to Kazakh culture. The music is usually accompanied by narrated stories and legends. It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, holidays and festive celebrations, amid a rich variety of food and musical entertainment. It serves as a vital social and cultural experience, strengthening people’s identity and promoting solidarity and mutual understanding in society. Aspiring and talented musicians are apprenticed to masters from the moment a child demonstrates an interest in the philosophy and virtuosity of traditional music and performance. Amateur musicians then apprentice themselves to other more experienced and talented performers from their region to increase their skills and repertoire.

Kazakhstan 2014

Falconry is the traditional art and practice of keeping, training and flying falcons to take quarry in its natural state, and has been practised for more than 4000 years. It is one of the oldest relationships between human and bird. It probably evolved in the steppes of Asia, and spread via cultural and trade links to other countries, first to Europe, North Africa and East Asia and later in the 16th century to the rest of the world. The practice of falconry in early and medieval periods of history is documented in many parts of the world. The falcon and her prey have evolved together over millions of years; their interaction is an age-old drama. The falconer’s task is to bring the actors together on nature’s stage. Falconry as intangible cultural heritage is integrated into communities as a social recreational practice and a means of connecting with nature. Originally a way of obtaining food, falconry has acquired other values over the centuries, and is identified with camaraderie, sharing, and expressions of freedom. Nowadays falconry is practised by people of all ages in local communities in more than eighty countries. Falconry expresses itself in multiple cultural domains, in particular ‘social practices, rituals and festive events’, as well as ‘knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe’. These include traditional skills, traditional knowledge about the biology and behaviour of birds and the environment, the making of traditional falconry equipment, as well as linguistic and artistic expressions found in idioms, painting, sculpture, poetry, rituals and music. Falconry has its own set of culturally-shaped traditions and ethics; while falconers come from different backgrounds, they share universal values, traditions and practices. Falconry is transmitted from generation to generation as a cultural tradition by a variety of means, such as mentoring, learning within families, or formalized training in clubs and schools. The process of transmitting falconry heritage activates not only the historical memory of the falconry community but also enriches its cultural identity. In recent times falconry has seen a renaissance. Falconry provides modern man with links to nature and strengthens local identities. It is an important cultural symbol in many countries. The modern practice of falconry aims at safeguarding not only falcons, quarry, and habitats but also the practice itself as a living cultural tradition.

United Arab Emirates,Austria,Belgium,Czech Republic,Germany,Spain,France,Hungary,Italy,South Korea,Kazakhstan,Morocco,Mongolia,Pakistan,Portugal,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,Syria 2016

Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.

China 2010

Beautiful rite of 'Betashar' (kaz. 'open face') symbolizes inclusion of a bride into a groom’s family clan. First bride’s mother arranges Kazakh traditional headwear “Saukele” on her daughter’s head covering her face with veil called “jelek”. The groom’s eldest sisters-in-law (“jenge”) bring the bride under their arms to the guests. Then the bride puts her feet on a white carpet with an image of Tengrian calendar embodying the Universe or lamb fleece – the symbols of fertility. Masters of improvised music poetry Akyns start the ritual by singing a bridal song “Betashar jyr” to the accompaniment of Dombyra. The song praises groom’s family ancestors, parents and all relatives in dedicated couplets. In return the bride with her sisters-in-law bow to every relative and family listed, thus giving her respect and greeting – “Salem beru”. The relatives, whom the bride has just bowed, reward Akyn with money for his performance. After introducing all the relatives and expressing good wishes, Akyn lifts the bride’s veil with the neck of his Dombyra, thus revelaing the bride’s face to everybody. Mother-in-law (“Ene”) takes off the veil, kisses and welcomes new member of the family. Then the groom takes the bride by the hand showing her to all guests. At this moment elder relatives shower the newlyweds with sweets and coins (“Shashu” ritual), wishing them happiness and abundances. In some regions Betashar includes: bride’s stepping over the fire, fumigation of bride with harmala (“adiraspan”) smoke and pouring oil on fire to endear the Spirit of fire.

Aitys is a contest centred on improvised oral poetry spoken or sung to the accompaniment of traditional musical instruments – the Kazakh dombra. Two performers (akyns) compete with one other to improvise verses on topical themes in a battle of wits that alternates between humorous ripostes and penetrating philosophical reflections. During the competition, the performers sit opposite one another improvising a dialogue on topics chosen by the audience. The winner is the performer considered to have demonstrated the best musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit. The most meaningful and witty expressions often become popular sayings. The element is practiced on a variety of occasions, ranging from local festivities to nationwide events, where practitioners often use the contest to raise important social issues. Although it was traditionally performed only by men, many women now participate in Aitys and use the contest to express women’s aspirations and viewpoints. Akyns compete with each other without any preparation, minutely composing poems mutual answers to questions of concern to society. Deep philosophical reflections in the witty, bubbly manner often turn into a form of poetic ridicule and criticism. Akyns compete in their resourcefulness and originality.

Kazakhstan 2015

Kokpar Tartu (in Kazakh means 'taking goat away' is a traditional competition of horse riders for a goat carcass. 'Kokpar' or 'Kok bori' in Kazakh means 'grey wolf'. Originally kokpar attributed to three factors: 1) the players portray predatory steppe wolf attacking a herd and likewise destroy their sheep; 2) it is possible that in this way before fleeing with the production, so, probably, rescued from captivity the wounded batyr; 3) linked with the struggle of phratry for the carcass of an animal totem. This game is known among other peoples of Central Asia and East (Kyrgys Kok boru traditional game was inscribed to the Representative list in 2017). There are two versions of the game. The most common is 'zhalpy-tartys' ('common competition), where the winner will be the most skillful horseman. Another version of the game 'doda-tartys' (contest of two teams) - a struggle between the two groups, which include a certain number of riders participating in the contest. So, one of the riders jumps with a dead goat carcass, and the rest of the team's players are trying to take away the carcass. The aim of the game is to pick up and bring the goat carcass to the set location. Participation in kokpar tartu requires a high training of members, as this contest of the strength, agility, endurance, ability to stay in the saddle.