Man traditional dance performed with doira melody. Dancer dances sitting in his knees and turns round in to left and right sides.

The 'ie Samoa is a special finely hand-woven mat that is fastened at the hem with 2 rows of green and red feathers on each end, and a loose fringe on one end. Traditionally woven with fine strippings of the pandanus plant, the final product is silk-like in nature. Its shiny coppery color adds to its value as it is a testament to its age and the natural bleaching process it undergoes from the sun and seawater. The length of 'ie Samoa is traditionally 12x9 aga or handspans of the weaver. This demonstrates its high level of intricacy as each woven strand measures as little as one milimeter in width. Therefore, the production of a single 'ie Samoa can take up to several months and even years depending on the length of the fine mat. Nevertheless, the 'ie Samoa is more than a cultural product of exceptional skills, its true value is demonstrated in its use as an exchange valuable in traditional ceremonies and rituals that serve to reaffirm kinship ties and strengthen community wellbeing. More colloquially known as 'ie toga, the 'ie Samoa is displayed and exchanged at festive celebrations or important gatherings such as weddings, funerals, or religious ordinations. The giving and receiving of the 'ie Samoa contributes profoundly to the maintenance of social structure and is an integral part of the Samoan culture. As objects of the highest cultural value, this traditional art form lies at the foundation of Samoa's rich intangible cultural heritage.

Samoa 2019

During its early appearance, this dance that’s full of courtesy and gentleness originated from the palace, performed during festivities at the palace and among the nobles only. In due course this dance was brought out of the palace and performed to the public. During dancing the dancers sway their bodies and move their hands as well as heads parallel to the beating of the hand-held drum, the ‘rebana’. They dance while sitting down on their knees without standing up. The musicians beat the ‘rebana’ while chanting or singing religious songs.

One can easily identify a Lhop in a crowd by his or her unique clothing. They have a distinct clothing culture that marks the physical identity of their ethnic group community. The origin or tradition of the clothing is still unknown, but the elders of the Lhop community believe that it has been passed down from generation to generation. In the past, the Lhop wore clothing made from the fibers of the nettle plant, which grows on the foothills of mountains 500 to 1000 meters above sea level and is called Yadzin. With the planting of cotton in the Lhop community, the nettle fiber was abandoned. Nowadays, the traditional clothing of the Lhops is quickly being replaced by the national clothing Gho and Kira. The Lhops have their own traditional dress called Gaada. It is a simple, without pattern, white, coarse cotton cloth about 3 x 2 meters in size. Both men and women wear simple, without pattern, white cotton clothing. Lhop dress Gaada is a white piece of coarse cloth about 3 x 2 meters in size. Lhop men and women wear Ra-hem and Gui-hem, respectively, which are made of Pas-jin (cotton). Ra-hem Ra-hem is a simple, plain white garment that is folded over from the back, crossed over the chest, and knotted at the neck. The cloth is tied around the waist with a belt called Pa-dzin. The edges are tied together at the center fold point using a bamboo spindle called a rim. The cloth is pulled up above knee length and tied tightly. The loose cloth forms a large pouch in the front part of the body, which can hold many things. Gui-hem Women put on their clothes in the same way, but the cloth covers their body from the shoulder to mid-calf, leaving a smaller pouch on the front along the torso. In their traditional dress, they do not need carrying bags. Gui-hem was always like any other Kira worn by most Bhutanese women, except that it was made of cotton. They tie the edge of their cloth over their shoulder with a brooch made of bamboo called a lung. On important occasions, women wear jewelry. Both men and women wear Pun-gop (tego or shirt) over their shoulders. The Lhops use very few garments at home. Currently, they do not weave or knit their own clothes. Wear and tear on their clothes are crudely repaired or sewn with the help of native bamboo needles, selvages, and threads (Jin) made from plant fibers. Steel needles and mill threads from commerce are rapidly displacing selvages and Jin. Lhops no longer wear their traditional clothing regularly, but they still wear it at Lhop dances.

The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.

India 2010

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Cheoyongmu refers to a court dance performed by five dancers in five directions (west, east, north, south, and center). Hence it is also called Obang (quintet) Cheoyongmu. It is unique in that it is the only form of a court dance performed using human masks. Designated Important Intangible Cultural Heritage on January 8, 1971, Cheoyongmu is a grandiose, mystic dance performed by male dancers. At the end of the Silla Kingdom (57 B.C. – A.D. 935), King Heongang went on an excursion to the seaport of Gaeunpo (present-day Sejuk Village area in Hwangseong-dong) in the southeastern city of Ulsan. On his way back home, the king felt strange about the sky covered with dark clouds and fog and asked his retainers the reason. “As it is caused by the dragon in the east sea, it should be resolved by conducting good deeds,” a court astronomer replied. Therefore, when the king had a temple built for the dragon, the dark clouds disappeared and the dragon, along with his seven sons, emerged from the east sea and danced. One of the dragon’s sons, named Cheoyong, followed King Heongang to the capital, married a beautiful woman and held an official rank. One night, when Cheoyong returned home, he found the spirit of smallpox trying to attack his wife. As Cheoyong sang and danced, the smallpox spirit presented itself and kneeled in apology. Since then, people have attached an image of Cheoyong to the gate to dispel evil spirits and invite auspicious energies. Until the late Goryeo (918-1392) era, Cheoyongmu had been performed by a dancer, while by the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450) of the Joseon Dynasty it was danced by five performers. According to the Akhak Gwebeom, or the Canon of Music, Cheoyongmu was performed twice at the narye ceremony, which was conducted on New Year’s Eve to ward off evil spirits and the god of death of the passing year. The five dancers are clad in white, blue, black, red and yellow, symbolizing the west, east, north, south and center respectively. Based on the theories of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements, Cheoyongmu symbolizes the repelling of misfortune. The stately and vigorous movements reveal a valiant spirit and magnanimity. Cheoyongmu begins with proceeding toward the king to the music of sujecheon (“Long Life as Eternal as the Heavens”), singing the first line of “Cheoyongga” (Song of Cheoyong) with the words “silla seongdae soseongdae” (“Silla, the period of brightness and greatness”) in the lyric song rhythm of eolnak. Then, the dancers bow to the king and move to the center of the stage to the music of hyangdang gyoju (ensemble by Korean and Tang instruments). To the slow tempo music of seryeongsan (“Mt. Seryeongsan”), they form a square to dance sanjak hwamu (“Scattering in the Form of a Flower”) and rotate to the right. As the formation is changed to a cross, the music is also changed to samhyeon dodeuri (slow 6/4 beat music by three strings). After the dances of suyang sumu (“Dangled and Raised Hands Dance”) and mureup dipimu (“Moving Knee to Change Direction”), the dancers change the formation into a circle and rotate to the left. As the formation is changed to a straight line again, they recite a verse from the Song of Cheoyong, saying “sanha cheolniguk” (“To mountains or fields that are far away”) in the lyric song rhythm of pyeonak and then leave the stage, dancing nakhwa yusu (“Falling Petals and Flowing Streams”) to the music of songgu yeojigok (a sort of dodeuri). In light wine color, the Cheoyong mask features white teeth, tin earrings with a lead bead, and a black official hat decorated with two blossoms of peonies and seven peaches. The light wine color and peaches symbolize warding off the evil spirit, while peonies signify inviting auspicious energies.

South Korea 2009

‘Chuko atmay’ is played with ‘alchiks’ (dices). Participants draw a circle with a diameter of 3-5 meters. Alchiks are placed in the middle of the circle. Order of the game is determined by throwing of ‘saka’. Two shot lines are drawn one meter away from the circle from two sides. If an alchik is beaten out of the line after the first successful shot, other shots are carried out from the circle’s line. In case of unsuccessful shot, other player takes a turn. The player, which shots out the largest number of alchiks, wins. ‘Ordo’ is one of the most spread games of the Kyrgyz. The word ‘ordo’ itself means ‘khan’s bid’. The game reproduces a battle for the capture of bid and represents some kind of a military map. A circle drawn on the ground means the enemy territory, and opponents frame a plan of the battle. Skills of leading the right interior policy are in the basis of this game as well. Ordo is played by two teams (6-10 people at each team). Playing order of the game goes in the round or by using elimination principle. Duration of the game is about two hours. The essence of the game is to strike the khan’s ordo placed in the center of a circle (16 meters in diameter) with the abalak (bat), as well as to push khan himself and voivodes (generals) out of the circle. The team, which strikes the largest number of voivodes out of the circle, wins. ‘Kan talamay, Upai’ is a traditional game with dices of ovine knee joints ‘chuko’. Players are divided into two teams consisting of 2, 4 or more. The number of dices needed for the game vary from 13-37 or more. The purpose of the game is to collect as much upais as possible. The largest dice is determined as ‘khan’ and dyed into a vivid color. Starting player takes all dices in his joint palms, placing khan in the center, and scatters them all onto the carpet. The first player tries to strike the khan. If the target is hit, the player continues to play, and in case of a failure – the next player enters into the game. Shots are done by the dices with equal position. There are also special regulations

“Lbaeng Veay Kon Koal” is a kind of game that is played in many countries. They have played the game from ancient times to the present day, especially in India. This game has two types: "Horseback Rider" and "Pedestrian Runner". But today in Cambodia, this horse-riding golf is gone, no one has ever seen or heard of it, only the sculpture on the terrace of the north corner of Angkor Thom, which is probably built during the late 12th century or early 13th century. On foot, golf is still played today, for example, in Prek Sangke village, Koh Sor Tin district, Kampong Cham, and Kampong Speu provinces. This Veay Kon Koal game can be called in different names by different districts or regions across Cambodia. Those names are "Veay Kon Koal", "Veay Bror Dum" or “Leng Pek.” To play the game, People have to divide themselves into two groups to compete like in football. The number of people is not limited, more or less, depending on whether there are people or not. This game is often played in rice fields or farm fields that have been harvested, along the wide trails or sometimes in the fields with water up below the knee. The main equipment for this game is golf/ball and sticks. The golf (or so-called "Kon Bror Dum" are usually made of light spruce wood, such as Derm Ror Lous or Derm Kor Chang to be rounded and dried. Otherwise, they use coconut or palm fruit. The sticks or hooks for beating, are made from the branch of a palm tree or Kandol tree, Sangke tree, Trabek tree, Krasang tree or any wood that as big as the size of Kid’s wrist. The stick should be smooth and the grip should bend in order to make it easy to hold or they can use Russey Ping Pung, Russey Prech, Russey Prei, Pdoa which has a curve trunk. This game can be played both day and night, and if played at night, they burn the golf ball almost become live coal, which is then called the "fireball". Before playing, they set a "goal" on either side of each group, depending on the size of the yard, and plugged in a piece of wood to mark the place. At the start of the game, both teams line up facing each other with golf balls which is in the middle of the playing field and each team has to choose a representative to stand in the middle in front of the golf ball. Then the two of them hold the stick and raise the interface or confront each other to be ready "Kae", hit gently, changing from right to left and from left to right 3 times. Then both players hit the ball and run past the opponent’s goal. If the player runs past any team, that team is lose. This game does not allow the players to use their hands, but they can use their feet, instead. The game will be in vain and the golf ball will have to be Kae again.

Kazakh Kuresi represents ancient form and style of Kazakh traditional wrestling, essential element of all festive events, celebrations and integral part of modern Kazakhstani national identity. Since ancient times, the beauty of this sports and strength of the hero-wrestlers “Baluans” have been reflected in folk epics, fairy legends, Kazakh literature like the poem of Iliyas Zhansugurov “Kulager” and Gabit Musrepov’s novel “Ulpan”, and archaeological findings. Wrestling of two opponents is performed on 12m.x 12m. sized mat. The opponents are matched according to their weight category ranging from 60 kg and above 90 kg. All techniques are performed above the waist – wrestlers must fight on foot, making it more difficult. Wrestling on the ground is prohibited. The purpose is to lay the opponent on shoulders. Duration of the match is 5 minutes with extra time of 3 minutes which is offered in case of even number of points. Evaluation of matches is counted by: a) “Buk” – if the opponent touches the mat with abdomen, knee or both knees; b) “Zhambas” is given for three “Buks” or when the opponent touches the mat with one side of pelvis or both; b) “Zhartylay zhenis” is awarded for the technique when the opponent touches the mat with both shoulders.

Kazakhstan 2016

Wresting is the essential part of the national festival of Mongolia. Mongolian wrestling has no differences of weight and age; if a wrestler’s limb (an elbow, knee, head or other body part) touches the ground, it is considered a defeat. At the national wrestling competition, 256, 512, or 1024 wrestlers compete. At the local level 32, 64, 128 or 256 wrestlers compete. According to the act of the National festival, there are titles of tercel at the fifth bout, of hawk at the sixth bout, of elephant at the seventh bout, of garuda at the eighth bout, of lion at the ninth, and of champion at the tenth bout. The wrestler is said to imitate the flapping of the garuda as he flutters and slaps his thighs. He stands ready to tussle with and looks askance as elk do and seizes his opponent like a hawk that swoops down on its prey.

Craft of sock making with colored wool threads. In Badakhshan province sock makers weave long sock up to knee with different ornaments.

The national dress for men is Gho and Kira for women. Gho is a one-piece outfit pulled up to knee-length and fastened with a belt called kera at the waist, leading to formation of an enormous pouch across the belly. Men’s belt is a striped hand woven textile using plain cotton or wool on a card loom. It has fringes at both the ends. Kira is a rectangular ankle-length robe wrapped around the body, tied at the waist with a wide woven belt, and fastened at the shoulders by a pair of shoulder brooches called koma. A necklace-like chain called the jabtha holds together the pair of koma. Jabtha also makes an attractive ornament. Women’s kera is made of cotton woven on card looms with intricate silk designs of varying colours. Elderly women wear the broad kera in three folds. The female kera has also fringes at both the ends. The weft thread used is commonly thicker than the base fabric used. Women also wear a toego (short, loose jacket) over the kira. Toego can be made from any kind of material and be in any colour. Women also wear a garment called wonju under the kira. Commonly made from silk or polyester, the wonju is a loose, wrap-over long-sleeved blouse. The semi-nomadic herders of the high valleys of Merak, Sakten and Laya and some other ethnic communities do not traditionally wear the gho and kira. They have a unique dress, lifestyle and language, and their own weaving specialty. In an effort to preserve and promote cultural heritage, all Bhutanese are required to wear the national dress in government offices, schools and on formal occasions. Necklace: Traditionally, a necklace is also a part of the costume of a Bhutanese woman, and a woman who is not wearing a necklace is considered to be incompletely attired. Therefore, women make it a point to wear necklaces, especially during celebrative occasions. When a woman is dressing, she puts on her necklace at the very end, to complete the outfit. Necklaces of precious stones are passed down from mother to daughter. A traditional Bhutanese necklace consists of a string of beads of various stones such as coral, turquoise, onyx, pearl, agate, and many more. The necklace may reach almost to the waist. If the woman is very rich and possesses many precious stones, she will choose to wear more than one necklace at a time. Since public gatherings and celebrative occasions provide formal platforms for display of wealth and/or position in society, women make it a point to wear as much as they possess. Sword For hundreds of years Bhutan suffered from territorial invasion as well as internal strife and civil war, challenges which were countered by our pazaps (militia), and senior officials. In earlier times, those who performed well in battle were awarded a sword in recognition of their show of courage, valour and success. Once the monarchy was established those officials who served the king and the country with utmost dedication and patriotic zeal were awarded pata (sword) and red scarf (bura marp) in recognition of their selfless service. Awarding kabney along with pata is, therefore, the sole prerogative of the monarch. The awardee is then addressed as a ‘Drasho’, which literally means ‘the best’ as they are exemplary people. Therefore, this award symbolises secular responsibility — the preparedness to fight any enemy harming the interest of the Tsa-wa-sum (the king, the country, and the people) and to safeguard the country and its cultural traditions. Kabney When Gautama Buddha administered vinaya rules at the first sermon, the five chief disciples first wore kabney as a mark of respect to the Buddha. Later, when Guru Rinpoche (Guru Padsambhava) visited Bumthang in the 8th century and sowed the seeds of faith in the dharma, he instructed people not to take the lives of others, and gave ge-nyen vows (vow of lay devotee). He instructed his devotees to wear rezen or kabney as a sign of their having become followers of Buddhism or taking precepts. While dharma practitioners wore red coloured kabney as a mark of following the dharma teachings, ordinary people wore white coloured kabney as a mark of safeguarding the country — their secular duty. Today, we wear kabney as a part of our national dress in accordance with the code of driglam namzha. The smaller scarf worn by women is called rachu. Kabney is a large, fringed scarf (about 90 by 300 cm), which is worn with one half placed over the left shoulder and the other half drawn across the back, below the right arm and across the body, then caught in a loop made by folding the lower part of the left end over it and then throwing the left end over the left shoulder. When the kabney is correctly placed, the right side should loop down at equal level to the hem of the gho, and the two sides should come together at the left breast. There is considerable variation in how the kabney is actually worn, but what is written here describes how it should be worn. Bhutanese at all social levels wear kabney as a part of formal wear along with the national dress, gho. Wearing kabney marks respect for sacred objects and higher authorities, and symbolises the position or rank of officers serving in the government. Scarves worn by women in place of the male kabney are called rachu. These much smaller, colourful, decoratively woven scarves can be worn draped over both shoulders with the two fringed edges falling from the chest, or can be folded in half and placed over the left shoulder with the fringes falling from the chest. Women in general wear rachu by making a fold in the centre and placing the rachu over the left shoulder. Besides kabney and rachu, there are other variants used by religious practitioners. Those worn by lams and monks are called zen or rezen and the one worn over their rezen is called choe-gho. The rezen is worn all the time over the robe but the choe-gho is worn only during special religious occasions. Similarly, the one worn by ngagpas (tantric practitioners) is called ber or dagam; and the one used by togdenpas (adepts) is called rey or rekar and khamar. Kabney and rachu are worn to pay respect to sublime masters or leaders, and to sacred objects enshrined in the dzongs, monasteries and temples. They are also worn as a symbol of official position. The colour of the kabney determines the official rank of the bearer. Traditional Boot Bhutan’s traditional footwear is a kind of boot worn as high as the knee, the upper, cloth part of which is then held and tied by a narrow strap below the knee. Dra-lham, thru-lham karchung and tshoglham are three different types of traditional footwear and form an important part of Bhutanese national costume. Dra-lham are worn by the senior monks in the monasteries. They are similar to tshoglham but red in colour. Thru-lham karchung derives its name from the white colour of the ben (section just above the ankle) which is highly visible from a distance. The traditional boot worn by the general public is called tshoglham. The thil or sole of the boot used to be made from hard leather, but these days tshoglham usually have rubber soles. Above the sole, two layers of red and white leather (or rubber) make the drilden. Above the drilden is the ri karchu, on which comes the ben in different colours. The ben, is yellow, orange, red, blue or green according to the official position of the wearer. Yellow ben is reserved only for the king and the head abbot (the Je Khenpo); orange is for ministers, red is for senior officials, blue is for members of parliament (both houses) and green is for the general public. The cloth part above the ben is generally black or blue silk brocade. It is mandatory to wear thru-lham or tshoglham as a part of formal national dress during any formal occasions.