Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Cheoyongmu refers to a court dance performed by five dancers in five directions (west, east, north, south, and center). Hence it is also called Obang (quintet) Cheoyongmu. It is unique in that it is the only form of a court dance performed using human masks. Designated Important Intangible Cultural Heritage on January 8, 1971, Cheoyongmu is a grandiose, mystic dance performed by male dancers. At the end of the Silla Kingdom (57 B.C. – A.D. 935), King Heongang went on an excursion to the seaport of Gaeunpo (present-day Sejuk Village area in Hwangseong-dong) in the southeastern city of Ulsan. On his way back home, the king felt strange about the sky covered with dark clouds and fog and asked his retainers the reason. “As it is caused by the dragon in the east sea, it should be resolved by conducting good deeds,” a court astronomer replied. Therefore, when the king had a temple built for the dragon, the dark clouds disappeared and the dragon, along with his seven sons, emerged from the east sea and danced. One of the dragon’s sons, named Cheoyong, followed King Heongang to the capital, married a beautiful woman and held an official rank. One night, when Cheoyong returned home, he found the spirit of smallpox trying to attack his wife. As Cheoyong sang and danced, the smallpox spirit presented itself and kneeled in apology. Since then, people have attached an image of Cheoyong to the gate to dispel evil spirits and invite auspicious energies. Until the late Goryeo (918-1392) era, Cheoyongmu had been performed by a dancer, while by the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450) of the Joseon Dynasty it was danced by five performers. According to the Akhak Gwebeom, or the Canon of Music, Cheoyongmu was performed twice at the narye ceremony, which was conducted on New Year’s Eve to ward off evil spirits and the god of death of the passing year. The five dancers are clad in white, blue, black, red and yellow, symbolizing the west, east, north, south and center respectively. Based on the theories of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements, Cheoyongmu symbolizes the repelling of misfortune. The stately and vigorous movements reveal a valiant spirit and magnanimity. Cheoyongmu begins with proceeding toward the king to the music of sujecheon (“Long Life as Eternal as the Heavens”), singing the first line of “Cheoyongga” (Song of Cheoyong) with the words “silla seongdae soseongdae” (“Silla, the period of brightness and greatness”) in the lyric song rhythm of eolnak. Then, the dancers bow to the king and move to the center of the stage to the music of hyangdang gyoju (ensemble by Korean and Tang instruments). To the slow tempo music of seryeongsan (“Mt. Seryeongsan”), they form a square to dance sanjak hwamu (“Scattering in the Form of a Flower”) and rotate to the right. As the formation is changed to a cross, the music is also changed to samhyeon dodeuri (slow 6/4 beat music by three strings). After the dances of suyang sumu (“Dangled and Raised Hands Dance”) and mureup dipimu (“Moving Knee to Change Direction”), the dancers change the formation into a circle and rotate to the left. As the formation is changed to a straight line again, they recite a verse from the Song of Cheoyong, saying “sanha cheolniguk” (“To mountains or fields that are far away”) in the lyric song rhythm of pyeonak and then leave the stage, dancing nakhwa yusu (“Falling Petals and Flowing Streams”) to the music of songgu yeojigok (a sort of dodeuri). In light wine color, the Cheoyong mask features white teeth, tin earrings with a lead bead, and a black official hat decorated with two blossoms of peonies and seven peaches. The light wine color and peaches symbolize warding off the evil spirit, while peonies signify inviting auspicious energies.

South Korea 2009

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

The Mewang, or Fire Blessing, is believed to ward off diseases and other negative forces. Thangbi Mewang takes place on the first day of the four-day long festival, which is known as Thangbi Mani. ‘Thangbi Mani’ references the temple’s original consecration ceremony which was conducted in part by reciting the mani mantra. The festival is also occasionally referred to as Thangbi Drub, as some maintain the events mark the temple’s consecration ceremony. The origins of Thangbi Mewang are unknown, and no definitive records survive. Some attribute it to the 4th Zhamar Choedrak Yeshe whereas others trace it to the 8th Zhamarpa Pelchen Choekyi Dondrub. Whichever master it was, the liturgical practices and types of mask dances performed are closely related to those performed at Tshurphu in Tibet. Festival preparations begin from the 3rd day of the eighth lunar month, when mask dancers gather in the lhakhang around 3 p.m. to offer serkyem (wine libation) in the gonkhang (scared shrine of dieties). After chak dang hu (shouting Tae hu hu) the leftover wine is served to the mask dancers, who begin practicing the dances for two hours daily between 3–5 p.m. Preliminary dance practices are held for two weeks before the final rehearsal or chamjug is held on the afternoon of the 13th day. The chamjug is not a full-dress rehearsal and does not include costumes or hand implements with the exception of the Nga Cham (Drum Dance) rehearsal, which uses the drum and drumsticks. Previously, the drapas (servants) of Tamzhing Choeje performed the mask dances, though of late this role has transitioned to the five drapa households living around Thangbi village. Amongst the three villages, the mask dances have been performed only by male members from Thangbi village because they are the drapas of Karmapa, whereas the threlpa or the tax-paying households of Goleng and Kharsath act as the sponsors of the mask dance performances. a. Day One (14th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): The 14th day of the eighth lunar month marks the first day of the festival. The main mask dance performance starts after a dinner break, the champas and monks return to the gonkhang to offer serkyem. After this, the costumed dancers carry the masks downstairs to the chamkhang (dance preparation hall). The evening’s programme is performed in the following sequential order: - Drelcham (Dance of Suppression); - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of Malevolent Spirits); - Gonpo Bercham (Dance of Protective Deity Gonpo Bernag); - Jinsek (Fire Offering); - Shazam Dance (Dance of the Stag); - Gektre (Ritual to Expelling Evil); b. Day Two (15th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Mewang, the Fire Blessing The second day, the 15th day of the eighth lunar month, begins with the champon and champas singing a song called “Gya yul ley thon pai dardzoe dang ney-nga”. While the lama and gomchens (lay monk) perform lhabsang (cleansing ritual) in the gonkhang, the gondhar (Maha kala's flag) is once again erected in the courtyard. After lhabsang, ritual prayers dedicated to Gonpo Bernag are performed and concludes in the late morning. The remainder of the day’s programme is held as follows: - Mewang (Fire Blessing); - Zhana Cham (Black Hat Dance); - Tshog Cham (Feast Offering Dance); - Yoeluema; - Gonpo Bercham; - Nga Cham (Drum Dance); - Pholey Moley; - Atsara Dance ; - Shawa gang ley Phabpa, the episode of chasing the stag down the mountain). c. Day Three (16th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tenwang (Blessing form the sacred objects) The same song is sung to mark the start of the 16th day of the eighth lunar month, followed by the ritual prayers. A tshechu is then performed in the Jowo Lhakhang. All participants gather in the lhakhang at around 6 a.m. during tshegug (ritual of longevity). After ritual prayers conclude around 8:30 a.m., the day’s events continue as follows: - Shazam (Dance of the Stags); - Dri Cham (Sword Dance); - Shawa Shakhyi (the episode of driving the stag out of low-lying jungle)14; - Jachung Jichung gi cham; - Atsara’s Choga (ritual performance by Atsaras); - Tenwang (Blessing of sacred objectd) - Khandromai Cham (dance of dakinis) d. Day Four (17th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Thruesol and Landab On the last day of the festival, before the thruesol (cleansing ritual), the lama and gomchens once again perform the lhabsang ritual in the lhakhang. After breakfast, thruesol is performed in all the households of Thangbi village. The procession is led by clarinet players and singers performing the lebey song, followed by the lama, champas, patselpas (traditioanl arm forces), and folk dancers. After thruesol is completed, the champas, patselpas, folk dancers and tsawas (sponsors) see off the lama and they escort him to his residence at Shugdrak Gonpa (monastery). After returning to Thangbi Temple, the new kudrung (discipline master) is appointed and the former kudrung is retired. Both the new and old kudrungs are offered khadars (scarfs) by the villagers. This remainder of the morning is filled with dances, singing, and drinking until Thangbi Mewang festival formally concludes with a luncheon.

Nora is a lively and acrobatic form of dance drama and improvisational singing in local Southern Thai dialect. It is accompanied by strongly rhythmic music and elaborate costumes which embody a distinctive life force in Southern Thailand. Nora derives from community rituals in Southern Thailand that assemble families who perform Nora to honor their former Nora masters and expel harmful spirits. As central part vital community ritual performance, Nora helps the community to re-connect to its ancestors, to keep strong and to re-constitute itself by initiating new Nora dancers, healing illnesses, reconciling communal disorders and blessing all participants. Performances normally include a long oral invocation, followed by a performance centering on a lead character who dances with vigorous and elaborate movements of legs, arms and fingers. The lead Nora performer sings and dances scenes that are usually based on Buddhist Jataka tales – stories about the former lives of Lord Buddha – or those tied to legendary heroes, Phra Suthon and Manohra. The music ensemble plays highly rhythmic and fast-paced southern music, with the Thai southern oboe providing the melody and strong rhythms produced by drums, gongs, cymbals and wooden clappers. The main Nora performers – whether male or female – wear colorful and decorative costumes, with crowns or ‘Serd’ ornamented headdress, beads, bird-like wings tied around the waist, ornate scarves, and ‘Hang Hong’ or swan tails on the back providing the performers a bird-like appearance. Performers also wear long metallic fingernails that curl out from the fingers.

Thailand 2021

Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.

Viet Nam 2019

In Khorasan of today a special music known as the music of “Bakhshis” is widespread. It is played by a master-musician playing Dotār (the regional long-lute type instrument with two strings). The music constitutes the local music of the region, played as solo, and accompanied by improvisations. Bakhshis sing epic and Sufic poems, containing mythological and historical themes. Presently, they perform in various gatherings of the locals, both cheerful and mourning; in the past other types of celebrations were attended by them, too. They perform their Maghams in Turkish, Kurdish, Turcoman and Persian. The contents the music of Bakhshis consists of legends, and historical and ethnic narrations containing epic, religious and romantic themes, performed as singing, ordinary speech, and citation in a repetitious manner. The events of the story are cited; and the poems are sung. Accordingly, the music of Bakhshis can be considered as a combination of music (vocal and instrumental) and verbal dramatic arts. DEFINITIONS: “BAKHSHI” In Persian, the word “Bakhshi” derives from the gerund “Bakhshish” meaning “granting”, conveying the impression that the Bakhshi is an exception in character, whom God has granted a gift. Accordingly, “Bakhshis should be able to sing, play, versify, narrate and make their own musical instruments.” MAGHAM: Bakhshis play regional Maghams, and their music is known as Maghami. Magham consists of pieces of instrumental and/or vocal music, influenced by the regional locals’ culture and beliefs. “Magham” is a popular word in other regions of Iran and some neighboring countries. However, the content and performances define Bakhshis music as especial in identity, while enjoying shared roots with the traditional music of the region, and the Repertory of Iranian Traditional Music, as well. TYPES OF MAGHAMS: The common Maghams of Bakhshis Music are as follows: Navāyī Navāyī is the most widespread Magham of the music of Bakhshis. It is diverse, vocal, rhythmless, accompanied by Sufic poems. The performer shall not be known a Bakhshi, unless he is competent in playing Navāyī. Modulations are observed in variations of Navāyī. Tajnīs A Turkish Magham, Tajnīs enjoys many intricacies which mark competent Bakhshis once performed. Tajnīs is vocal and rhythmless, accompanied by Sufic poems. In comparison with Navāyī, Tajnīs is poorer in its varieties Modulation in variations of Tajnīs are also popular. Gerāyelī/Gerye-ye Leylī (Leyli’s cry) Gerāyelī is a sorrowful Turkish magham, with poems narrating breakaways. The chanson enjoys rhythmic and rhythmless parts. Shākhatāyī A Turkish vocal and rhythmic magham, with sorrow in the vocal section, and cheer in the rhythmic one. Shākhatāyī embraces many varieties; and its long poems present religious themes. Loy Loy is an antique magham, belonging, specifically, to Kormanj Kurds of Northern Khorasan. It is a vocal and instrumental magham, with romantic and describing content. THEMES: The following provide Bakhshis Music with its common themes: (EPIC): “Kūroghlī”: An epical-historical story, narrating the gallantries of a hero named Kūroghlī in his battles against the rulers of his time; (HISTORICAL): “Shah Esmail”, narrating the gallantries of Imam Ali, the first among the Imams, utilizing the life story of Shah Esmail, founder of the Safavid Dynasty; (RELIGIOUS): “Ebrahim Adham”, the religious-Sufic life story of the Sufist, Ebrahim Adham; (ROMANTIC): “Leyli & Majnoun”, the love-story of Majnoun, and his beloved, Leyli. DOTĀR The only musical istrument accompanying the music of Bakhshis Dotār: a long-lute with two strings. (“Dotār”, in Persian, means an instrument with two strings). Traditionally, the strings were made of silk; and Bakhshis used to determine the desired thicknesses. Since around forty years ago, however, metal strings of desired diameters started to be employed instead. Bakhshis consider one string as male, and the other female. The male string remains open, while the female one is being used to play the main melody. The harmony provides the music with its unique character. The five fingers play the role of the plectrum. The bowl is pear-shaped, and is made of berry wood, as a unibody. The tall and slim handle/neck is made of stronger apricot wood. Bakhshis Dotār's hold 12 to 14 frets. Nowadays nylon has been substituted for the traditional sheep intestine as the material. PLAYING SKILLS: Khorasani Dotārs are played in different pitches. The major factors responsible for the variations include the diverse musical habits of the inhabitant ethnicities, and the verifiec “maghams” on the region. The two main pitches are, however, the, so called, Turkish and Kurdish pitches. Through the former, Navāyī, Tajnīs, Gerāyelī, and Shākhatāyī, among others, are performed, and, through the latter, Loy, Allāh-Mazār, Jafargholī, and the like.

Iran 2010

Inscribed in 2008 (3.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (originally proclaimed in 2003) Pansori is a genre of musical storytelling performed by a vocalist and a drummer.This popular tradition, characterized by expressive singing, stylized speech, a repertory of narratives and gesture, embraces both elite and folk culture. During performances lasting up to eight hours, a male or female singer, accompanied by a single barrel drum, improvises on texts that combine rural and erudite literary expressions. The term Pansori is derived from the Korean words pan, meaning “a place where many people gather”, and sori meaning “song”. Pansori originated in south-west Korea in the seventeenth century, probably as a new expression of the narrative songs of shamans. It remained an oral tradition among the common people until the late nineteenth century, by which time it acquired more sophisticated literary content and enjoyed considerable popularity among the urban elite. The settings, characters and situations that make up the Pansori universe are rooted in the Korea of the Joseon period (1392-1910). Pansori singers undergo long and rigorous training to master the wide range of distinct vocal timbres and to memorize the complex repertories. Many virtuosos have developed personal interpretive styles and are renowned for their particular manner of performing specific episodes.

South Korea 2003

Chapei Dang Veng (hereafter Chapei) is a popular musical tradition found in Cambodian society. The singing of Chapei is accompanied by a long necked lute Chapei from which the tradition takes its name. Chapei is closely interwoven with the life, traditional customs and beliefs of the Cambodian people. The instrument itself is used in two eminent ancient ensembles,'Pleng Araek' (Spirit Music) and 'Pleng Kar Boran' (Traditional Wedding Music) both of which are endangered forms themselves. Chapei performers are generally male, although there are no restrictions regarding gender or social class. Chapei players are not only musically adept, but also witty, intelligent, and quick to adapt and improvise. They should be well-versed in language, literature, and poetry, and a good story teller. From 1975 to 1979, the Khmer Rouge regime systematically annihilated and destroyed any form of intellectual activity including traditional arts. As a result many traditions such as Chapei disappeared from the scene together with the people performing them. Only two grand masters of Chapei survived this gruesome period and together with some other masters and their students are trying to revive the art form today.

Cambodia 2016

“Bassac Theatre” Originally known as “Treung Khlok” Theatre, it originated in Kampuchea Krom Bassac District, Preah Trapeang Province (now under Vietnamese rule). Bassac troupe originally formed by the chief of Khsach Kandal pagoda (Kampuchea Krom) names of Sour and Lok Ta Cha Krun, as well as his students, Kru Kmoa, Kru Korn, and Kru Khla. During the 1930s, Lok Ta Cha Krun brought the Trung Khlok theatre to perform in Phnom Penh and other provinces along the Bassac River. The theatre also quickly gained popularity in Phnom Penh. At first, it was called "Theatre from Bassac District", then later abbreviated as "Bassac Theatre" and is still named today. Bassac theatre is performed in both speaking and singing and accompanied by the Bassac music. The theater genre is influenced by Chinese and Vietnamese operas. The female characters (princesses or goddesses) dress similarly to the characters in classical dance. The male characters (kings, gods, or giants) dress similarly to the male characters in Chinese or Vietnamese operas. But today, the male characters’ costume is also similar to the costumes of the actors in the classical dance, except that the giant characters still wear the same costume as before. The stage is often decorated with paintings of temples or artificial mountains. Bassac theatre often features artistic legends. Performances include sword fighting, stick fighting, or other martial arts or battle scenes. The songs are both traditional and modern. During the 1960s, the Bassac Theatre gained immense popularity. There were two famous characters that almost all Khmer people at that time knew until he was named the King and the Queen of Bassac, Lok Ta Saing Sarun and Lok Year Chek Mach. Nowadays, Bassac is included in the curriculum of the Secondary School of Fine Arts. Famous Bassac theatre teachers who have passed away, including Lok Ta Saing Sarun, Lok Year Chek Mach, Mrs. Un Wang, Mr. Sous Kanan, Ouk Si Phally, John (Battambang), Tapov, Tork Khmao, Em Samphon and Kru nhoun (Outstanding Tror musician).