Katta ashula is a vocal direction, a song genre typical for the Ferghana Valley, in which peculiar style and manner of singing is observed. It is performed by two or more singers in turns and without accompaniment of musical instruments. Katta Ashula is characterized by laconism (in means of expression), expressiveness (in music language), dynamism (in melodic development) and bright emotionality. Its figurative structure (or style) is closely connected to the traditional (classical) poetry of lyrical and philosophical nature. And ghazals of Navoi, Lutfi, Mashrab, Khazini, Muqimi, Furqat, Zavqi, Miskin serve as main poetic texts in this genre. Though, since the XX century the poems of contemporary Uzbek poets (such as Sobir Abdulla, Charkhi, Chusti, Akmal Polat, Khabibi, and others) as well as examples of folk poetry have been widely used. In terms of subject matter katta ashula songs can be divided into love-lyrical, didactic, religious and contemporary ones. The origins of katta ashula genre should be looked for in ancient folk-ritual chants, songs of "praise" (such as marsiya, navkha, ayolgu), agriculture- and labor-related songs with their original combination of recitative-declamatory beginning and chanting; and in distiches of ghazals (ghazalkhonlik), written in aruz prosody. Performance with high-pitched voice, existence of culmination parts, clarity of words for and their impact to the listeners – all these are features of this type of song. Katta ashula has several genres, such as “Yovvoi maqom” (“Yovvoi Ushshoq”, “Yovvoi Chorgoh”),"Yovvoyi asula" ("Yovvoyi Tanovar", "Yovvoyi Munojat"), "Yakkahonlik" ("Ohkim, gulzorim qani topmadim"). Notably, the emergence and development of Katta ashula genre is closely linked with existence of corresponding performance schools, which stand out with their style of interpretation, manner of singing and bearers. From among katta ashula performance schools it is possible to mention Qoqand, Margilan, Andijan, Namangan and Tashkent performance schools.

Uzbekistan 2009

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

There are three types of "shadow theater: large shadow theater, small shadow theater, and colored shadow theatre. "Large Shadow Puppet or Lkhon Sbaek Thom" is one of the oldest and most revered theaters in the country. It is interesting that in the inscription of Wat Baseth (K, 78) written in AD. 668 and 677 with the word "tokkatak" and the inscription of Kork Chak temple (K. 155) in the 7th century CE, there was the word "tokk tor", which are now called "tokkaktar". A picture that can be held up or down or a drawing that plays a story. Although it is not possible to confirm that this word is an ancient Khmer word called for "shadow theater", but it is also a proof or idea for consideration. The Lkhon Sbaek Thom only plays the story of Reamker, which is an ancient epic, and because the story of Reamker is too long, the whole story is never performed. Therefore, it is only excerpted the scene only. Traditionally, Lkhon Sbaek Thom is performed only in large ceremonies that are characterized by faith, devotion, prayer, and so on. Major ceremonies with large shadows include the Royal Cremation Ceremony and the Royal Family, Samdech Preah Sangkhareach, Chao Athikar Wat, Coronation Ceremony, and Birthday Celebration of the King, Chao Athikar Wat .... As for the ceremonies in the villages and districts, there are burial ceremonies in Khan Seima, the Inauguration Ceremony of the Buddha Statue, the ceremony for various achievements in the pagoda, Bon Phum, and so on. Lkhon Sbaek Thom is performed with a white canvas, about 2-3 meters wide, about 8-10 meters long, stretching about 1 meter above the ground. Behind the white cloth, there is a fireplace about 1 meter above the ground for lighting to illuminate the skin on the white cloth. Before the performance, they have to hold a ceremony to offer and pray to the masters and the souls. In that ceremony, a puppet shadow is put in front of the stage, and the most important image is Ey Sei, which is placed in the center and accompanied by the main characters, such as Noreay Pleng Sor, Preah Ream, Krong Reap, Hanuman, etc. In front of the skin, they prepare offerings of Bay Sei, Sla Thor, bananas, Mlu Sla, flowers, candles, incense, and rice ... as well as a bowl of blessing water. During the ceremony, all the performers must come and light candles and incense, with a teacher leading the prayer ceremony. At the end of the ceremony, the performance begins with the performer (also known as the "Neak Jert Sbaek") picking up a piece of Sbaek that is already arranged according to the story, places it next to the white cloth to reflect the shadows, and move it up and down with the rhythm of the music, accompanied by a narrative voice. In a fighting scene, the Sbaek are placed one on top of the other, or sometimes the two Sbaek are pressed against each other, slightly apart from the canvas, in order to make the fighting scene more realistic, leaving the two skins behind the performers to turn to a fight, pretend that the Sbaek is fighting like that. The audience can easily understand the story of the large shadow drama because of the narrator. That is why the narrator has a very important role. The narrators are usually old people who know the story well, although sometimes they have to look to the Sastra for help. Narrators sometimes have one and sometimes two to correspond. The words that are said are a collection of words, a poem and a list of words. The best narrator is one who uses humorous words to make the audience laugh. The fire that accompanies the large shadow theater is the music of Pin Peat ensemble. Usually, the skins for the large shadow theatre are made of cow skin, but according to some opinions, the main characters such as Ey Sei, Eyso and Noreay in ancient times were made from the skins of big tigers or bears, because these characters have higher power than the other characters. Freshly peeled skin is first cleaned and "killed" by staining the ashes and soaking in boiling water. The type of wood that is used to soak the leather is mixed with a strong sour and bitter wood so that it gives the leather color, lasts a long time and prevents insects from eating. Then the leather is carved into pictures according to the desired story. When carved, the bark is boiled to make ink to turn the leather brown, and the most important bark is the middle bark. Finally, a bamboo stick is used to tie the leather vertically, using one or two bamboo strips the size of the figure to hold the skin so that the leather can be held for the performance. According to research reports, between the 1960s-70s, there are large shadow theater groups in Phnom Penh, Siem Reap and Battambang. In 1965, the large shadow theater troupe was formed in the traditional dance troupe under the "National Preservation of Performance" and later become the "Department of Performing Arts", now under the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts. In addition to the large shadow theater group of the Department of Performing Arts, there are also large shadow groups of the Arts Associations and Communities such as large shadow group, Sovannaphum Arts Association (Phnom Penh), Kork Thlok Arts Association (Phnom Penh), Wat Reach Bo (Siem Reap), Large shadow troupe Lok Ta Ty Chien (Siem Reap), large shadow group Lok Ta Hing (Siem Reap) and Banteay Meanchey Provincial Department of Culture.

Choe-lhag-ni is a Dzongkha (National Language) term for recitation of Buddhist scriptures especially Sanskrit Tripitaka at the various religious institutions or at the individual houses by either a monk, lay monks or by ourselves. Reading scripture is not only one a virtuous act (ge-wi-la) in accumulating merits to oneself but also helps other to arouse faith and aids in realizing the Buddhahood nature. It also a ritual (rim-dro) which helps in clearing and overcoming the obstacles and hindrance created by malicious spirits our daily activities and purifies our sins and defilements as well. While conducting Choe-lhag-ni program, the reader or the reciter is normally called Choe-neb and Choe-yon or Jin-dha for sponsors and patrons. Normally, such program can be conducted or organized as an annual program or carryout as and when there are sicknesses or can when an astrologer or a Spiritual masters either advices or make divination. This Dharma activity is always conducted in consultation with astrologer or a Spiritual masters seeking favourable elements that coincides Lha-za (spirit/vital-day) and if not possible, then on the Sog-za (life-force day) of either a sick person or the main family member. Performing on that particular day is said to be more effective and beneficial than conducting on other days which are called Gang-tong (neutral days). It is instructed and also believed not to conduct any virtuous activities be it the Recitation of Scriptures on Shey-za (bad days) as it causes harm than benefiting oneself and the patrons. As mentioned above, recitation of whole set of Tripitaka comprise two sets namely; Kan-guyr (direct word of Buddha) with 99-108 volumes and Ten-gyur (its commentaries) with 200-228 volumes is a great and enormous activity which one need huge number of readers as well as enough financial assets for an individual therefore, Institutions such as; Monastic body, government’s initiative or a joint private individuals can only organize such program intendent for wellbeing of sentient beings and particularly to the people of the country. In a rare case, out of interest, benefit the sentient beings or to enlighten oneself, an individual sometimes engage themselves in reading whole Kan-gyur volumes. Normally, Buddhist followers who want to clear the unforeseen obstacles, ward off illnesses, counterforce mishaps and sometimes as a routine basis reads mostly either 16 volumes of Skt. Prajnaparamita (Perfection of wisdom Sutras) and more often the single volume called Do-mang or Zung-due, where there is numerous collection of important Buddhist texts. Reciters or readers can be a person or more depending on the sponsor’s wish nevertheless, often if the recitation is not in haste or an emergency then, a person will stay in the sponsor’s house until the completion of the scripture. But, in case a ritual of a sick person and have limited time, the patron will invite numbers of Reciters as to complete the whole set in a day. The tradition of reading Buddhist scriptures for wellbeing and performing meritorious deeds had been common from the days of Buddha Shakyamuni in India. Having translated these teachings translated into Tibetan as early as 7th century and thereafter, introduced the tradition of reading them. Later in the 8th century, when King Thrisong Detsan (755-797 or 804) was having the Indian Dharma translated into Tibetan, the translator Ba Ratna Manju (?) was translating the greater Prajnaparamita Sutra. In his dream, he saw the entire land of Tibet was filled with the scripture of Prajnaparamita. This was an omen that there would be purely Mahayana practitioners born in the land of Tibet. When looking at the Prajna of hearing and contemplating in the mountainous land of Tibet, though training was done in all the schools, the experiences in Drub-jue sing-ta-gyed (Eight Chariots of Practice Lineage) in all the four Schools of Dharma Tradition are essentially Mahayana, and particularly the practice in the Sa-ngag (Secret Mantra) is as per the prediction of this omen. When Ba Ratna Manju offered this to the King, the king was pleased, brushed his hand over his head and gave great rewards for his services. It also shows the King’s deep faith in the Prajnaparamita Sutra. As much as his faith in this outstanding text among all the excellent teachings, it was King Thrisong Deutsan who had started the tradition of reading the scriptures in Tibet. It is said that the twelve volumes of Bum (hundred thousand stanza) scripts used to be read, from beginning to end every morning by dividing the scriptures among some 300 monks at Samye Monastery, Tibet. From Tibet, the tradition gradually flourished to the neighbouring countries including Bhutan which the people of Bhutan still practice the culture not only for remedial purpose but also to uphold the sacred doctrine and inculcating the faith to the future generations. However, the modernization couldn’t make much affect for this reading culture while it had somewhat impacted other ICH for its survival.

Turkish coffee culture and tradition goes back to the 16th century when coffee started to be served at coffeehouses in Istanbul. The tradition has two distinguished aspects which make its taste unique and provide means toward socialization. As a beverage Turkish coffee carries special preparation and brewing techniques. It is one of the oldest coffee making methods still in use. The traditional techniques used in preparing coffee led to development of special tools and silverware such as like the boiling pot (cezve), coffee cup (fincan), mortars which have artistic value. Turkish Coffee leaves a long lasting taste at someone’s palate due to its preparation techniques which require time and its freshness. It is softer, more aromatic and more concentrated than other types of coffee. It is easy to distinguish from other coffees with its aroma, ground and foam peculiar to it. Turkish Coffee is not only a beverage but also a communal practice that brings together cultural spaces, social values and beliefs within a context of socialization process. Its role socialization can be traced back to opening of the first coffeehouses with its noticeable decorations in Istanbul. Coffee houses were then, and still are the places where people drink coffee, converse, share news, read books and socialize. The tradition itself is a symbol of hospitality, friendship, delicacy, and entertainment. All these are reflected in the famous Turkish proverb “the memory of a cup of coffee lasts for forty years.” This saying represents how important and profound coffee is in Turkish culture.

Turkey 2013

Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

Daimokutate is a performing art where young people read aloud in turn the lines for each character in a tale without background music. The repertoire of Daimokutate performed for the past one hundred years consists of two tales about the feud between the Genji and Heike clans which actually happened in Japan in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. These stories have eight and ten characters. Recently Daimokutate with fewer characters are often performed. The stage is installed outside the main hall of the Yahashira Shrine in the community; a wooden board of 1.8 meter squares with a straw-made mat on it is placed within an area of approximately 3.6 meters wide and 4.5 meters deep delineated with bamboo fences of approximately 1 meter in height. After seven o’clock in the evening, an old man guides to the stage young men singing in a line, wearing samurai clothes, and holding bows in their hands. They stand on the stage, leaving space between them, and face the centre with their backs toward the fence. When the old man calls the name of a character in a tale, the young man taking that role reads aloud a long script with a distinctive accent and intonation. No specific acting can be seen. Calling on the young men one by one, approximately twenty-six scripts are read aloud in turns. Then, one young man advances to the centre and rhythmically stamps his feet. Finally all say together the celebratory remarks, and they are guided again off the stage by the old man while singing in a line. It takes approximately one hour in total. Daimokutate is a performing art carried out by a person who takes the role of a specific character and simply reads aloud with almost no acting. Currently in Japan there are no performing arts similar to this. This performing art is important in that it reminds us of the image of performing arts existing in Japan from the twelfth to around the seventeenth centuries Daimokutate has been transmitted and performed for the public as part of the distinctive local culture by the people in the community for many years. Japan has no performing art similar to this. The more its value is recognized in the history of Japanese performing arts, the more fully the people of that community understand it as part of their own valuable culture. Designated by the Government in 1976 as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, it is widely recognized as an element of important cultural heritage reflecting the shifts in the Japanese daily life style. From the seventeenth to the late nineteenth centuries, Daimokutate was transmitted by the twenty-two families in the Kami-fukawa community. The twenty-two families recognized the Yahashira Shrine as their guardian and constituted a community. The eldest son recognized as the heir of each family performed Daimokutate on the eve of the festivals of the Yahashira Shrine at the age of seventeen. Performing Daimokutate is a sign of formal admission to the community of the twenty-two families. Since the twentieth century, in addition to the twenty-two families, people who worship the Yahashira Shrine have also participated in the transmission and the public performance of Daimokutate. If there is no young man exactly seventeen years of age in the community, these days a senior young man assumes the role instead. Daimokutate constitutes of a long script with a kind of melody. Roles in the tale are assigned to young men in August, two months before the public performance, so that they can completely memorize their respective scripts; they practice under the instructions of former performers every Sunday. Every night from October 8th to 10th, they gather and practice intensively. On the morning of the performance day, they make the stage and prepare for the actual performance before the public at night. The community of Kami-fukawa which has transmitted Daimokutate is located deep in the mountains, and life was severe. Stronger solidarity and more mutual cooperation were required of this community than of other communities. Thus, Daimokutate is recognized to be indispensable for the local solidarity, and hence it has been transmitted from generation to generation to the present day, and performed every year. Members of the transmitting group and their local community recognize Daimokutate as part of their own excellent, distinctive culture, and take pride in it in relation to other groups and communities. Participation in the performance of Daimokutate once meant approval of admission to the community. Even today the transmission and the performance of Daimokutate allow the group and community to reconfirm their own identity, and reinforce their continuity. Daimokutate is a performing art transmitted down to today by ordinary Japanese for many years, and still performed, reflecting the Japanese sense of performing arts. The Japanese concept of confirmation of a community can be found in the background of the transmission and the performance of Daimokutate. Daimokutate mentioned above has a significant meaning in today’s Japan from a social and cultural viewpoint. The bearers continue their efforts to ensure that this inheritance from their ancestors is transmitted to the future.

Japan 2009

The three-day pilgrimage to the St. Thaddeus Apostle Monastery is an annual event that marked its 64th anniversary in 2018. The pilgrimage is a community celebration held in July with the participation of the Armenian communities of Iran and Armenia and other countries. The pilgrimage is inclusive for those who wish to attend: clergy, community leaders, regional and local governmental officials, laypeople, artisans, people with disabilities in search of a healing power from the Lord that may be granted to them with mediation through the holy spirit of St. Thaddeus, children and the elderly. The pilgrims gather for religious celebrations and special cultural, folk and educational performances. In Iran, busses and caravans transport individuals from Tehran, Isfahan, Tabriz, Salmas and Urmia to the St. Thaddeus Apostle Monastery. Hundreds of pilgrims attend the event from all over Armenia, including the capital city, Yerevan, other cities and bordering towns and villages to Iran. Hundreds of tents are erected in the countryside for more than 6000 pilgrims who attend the three-day ceremony from Iran, Armenia and overseas. The pilgrimage venerates two prominent Saints: St. Thaddeus, the Apostle of Christ, and St. Santukhd, the first female Christian Martyr. The commemoration ceremony includes special liturgies, processions, prayers, homilies and fasting. It culminates in a divine liturgy (Holy Mass) with Holy Communion and the anointment of the water blessed with Holy oil. Special times are set aside for traditional Armenian folk performances that include special music and songs. Artisans and craftsmen demonstrate their works of art at special stands. Ethnic Armenian dishes and delicacies are served at appointed times during the Pilgrimage.

Armenia,Iran 2020

“Chogān” is a traditional horse-riding game which is accompanied by music and storytelling. In Chogān, two rider teams compete and the aim is to pass the Gūy (ball) through the opposing team’s goal posts by using a Chogān (wooden stick). The team with a higher number of goals wins the game. It is played in an open area called Meydān in several “Chukkeh”s (rounds). Chogān differs in the size of the Meydān, the number of Chukkehs and "Chogānbāzān" (players) depending on the region. The game of Chogān includes: Chogānbāzi (the main game), the corresponding musical performance and, storytelling (Naqqāli and Morshedkhāni etc.). Given that the game needs a level Meydān, several Chogān horses, and skilled Chogānbāzān, it is mostly performed in specific places and major events including Nowrouz, and other local and national occasions. The audience for the game are mostly locals, the players’ family members and people interested in this entertaining game. Chogān has more than 2000 years of history in Iran and has mostly been played in royal courts and urban fields. Because of its connection with elements like the family (players and artists), nature, horses and arts, Chogān is of paramount importance in the Iranian culture. Today, the patterns and figures related to Chogān have a strong presence in the motifs used in Iranian handicrafts, traditional miniature paintings, architectural ornaments and stone engravings as well as the Iranian literature and languages.

Iran 2017

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Ak-kalpak is a traditional Kyrgyz felt headwear. Kalpak is appreciated and worn by all men regardless of age and status. Kalpak is one of the most iconic and recognizable elements of the Kyrgyz culture. The word Ak has several connotations in Kyrgyz language. One of the meanings is “sacred”, “pure”. The kalpak’s shape has not changed in centuries because this shape symbolizes the heights of surrounding mountains and the purity of the folk spirit. There are many varieties of kalpak. Based on various techniques of felting, cutting and sewing, there are more than 80 types of kalpak. Almost all kalpaks have embroidery patterns on them. Each pattern has its own sacral meaning and history. Two varieties are most popular at the moment. One has one small cut in front and the other one, called Bakai kalpak, has two cuts on the sides. Bakai kalpak is worn by people of older age. Various colors on kalpak edges are used to symbolize the age of the kalpak owner, although these rules are not set in stone and there are many exceptions to this rule in everyday life. -\tGreen edged kalpaks are for children. Young boys wore those kalpaks. Green is a color of youth and shows that they are at the beginning of their life paths. -\tBlue edge is a color for adolescents. This was the color for men over 20s. The color of sky symbolized maturing. - Brown edged kalpak was worn by men over 30 years old. Brown symbolized that the person already has a family and as a head of the family have accumulated enough life experience and is ready to serve the country. - A beige colored edge was worn by mature men over 40, when they could serve as an example for the younger generation. - Black edged kalpak was born by elderly men over 60. Black edge on a white felt symbolizes wisdom. An elderly widower wore a white kalpak with black felt edge. It meant that his kids allowed him to marry again. - The most honorable completely white kalpak was worn by wise elders. Such kalpak is given to acknowledge his leadership and authority.

Kyrgyzstan 2019

Chinese paper-cut, a traditional handiwork created by cutting patterns on paper via scissors or graver, has been a time-honoured folk art piece for decorating purpose on festivals or coordinating with various folk custom activities. As a folk art form adored and practiced by Chinese folks, Chinese paper-cut has been developed for more than 1,500 years with its fabrication skills and sculpts being preserved to these days. Chinese paper-cut comprises two classifications including “paper-cutting” and “paper-engraving”. The former relies on manual cutting and often produces one art piece in one process; the latter relies on engraving with graver and often produces multiple art pieces in one process. The Chinese paper-cut art pieces have unified color or multiple colors. Besides, mosaic or setting-off skills are adopted to enrich the color effect of Chinese paper-cut art pieces. For many centuries, Chinese paper-cut art pieces have been extensively applied to people’s daily life and on various folk custom activities such as fete, festivals and etiquettes. They have diverse patterns including: the paper-cut art pieces on window, lintel, bed and ceiling for the purpose of interior decoration; the paper-cut art pieces on occasions of wedding ceremony, birthday party, lantern festival and dragon boat festival; the paper-cut art pieces that are taken as the sample for embroidering pillow, shoe and bellyband; the paper-cut art pieces for the purpose of praying for rain, dispelling the evil and ushering in the auspice. Among numerous patterns of Chinese paper-cut, each one symbolizes certain conventionalized meanings, i.e. pomegranate symbolizes multiplied offspring while dragon and phoenix signifies love. Usually, Chinese paper-cut artists create paper-cut works off the cuff and the themes of paper-cut art pieces relate to a wide range of scope including folk belief, myths, historical stories, daily labor activities, universe and nature. The bold and vivid sculpt in Chinese paper-cut sufficiently signifies the romantic thinking and wild imagination of Chinese people. Due to the vast territory and great difference of folk customs in the northern and southern regions of China, there are diversified styles in Chinese paper-cut. Comparatively speaking, the paper-cut art pieces in North China are characterized with bold and crude artistic styles while those in South China are fine and delicate.

China 2009