Thagzo or the art of weaving is one of the oldest and widely used skills that have been practised for ages. The all-encompassing use of textiles represents prestige, artistic skills, discipline, determination, familial sentiments, tangible form of asset, and expressions of devotion towards the dharma. Bhutanese textiles are the product of knowledge and skills developed and nurtured over centuries of experiences and family traditions. Our textiles are valued and renowned for their richness of colour, sophistication and variation of patterns, including the intricate fibre preparation, dyeing, weaving, and embroidery techniques. This rich and complex art of weaving is an inseparable part of our culture and history. Today, the wide availability of imported fibres and dyes are transforming the palette, textures, and surface qualities of the clothes produced. There are more than eleven types of yarns and dyes including the five main colours (white, yellow, red, green and blue) and six subsidiary colours (orange, dark green, light yellowish green, pink, light white, blue and black). These different colours are woven in accordance with different designs and patterns. Women from central and eastern regions of Bhutan are famous for their weaving skills and each region produces their own specialty. a. Weaving with Designs and Patterns: Every textile product has a name that expresses its particular combination of colour, design, pattern and fibre. Weaving pattern is either stripes - vertical for men, and horizontal for women in cotton, silk or wool. Required extra designs are made by adding warp threads. Patterns like the vajra (thunderbolt), the swastika, the tree or the wheel, each has symbolic meanings. Although the symbols used in Bhutanese textiles are primarily of geometric nature, they also have deep religious meanings. Some common geometric symbols include the dorje (Vajra), the drame (nets), the phenphenma (butterflies), the phub (Kiliya), the yudrung (Swastika), and the shinglo (leaves). The drame or the eternal knot is a classic Buddhist symbol. The phenphenma is a symbol of butterfly and the eight-pointed star, while the dorje or the thunderbolt represents the indestructible powers of Buddhism. The phub or the rainbow is a triangle pattern in successive rainbow colours. When dorje symbol is incorporated within the phub symbol, the pattern becomes dorje\u0002phub. The shinglo symbol is used mostly on the royal and noble family dresses since this symbol is the most difficult to weave. The shinglo symbol represents the “tree of life”. The therpochay ( Jana chagri) or the China Wall pattern is usually seen next to the phub design on kiras. The therpochay symbol is believed to have been derived from the designs on Chinese brocade. The yudrung portrays the crossroads where the four directions meet. A yudrung represents the balancing forces of the universe, when rotating. The yudrung is an ancient pattern and its epicentre is considered a spiritual place. Yudrung is depicted on the royal thrikheb as the centre most design. Bhutanese weavers usually weave two types of textiles; the plain woven meaning kar chang, and the pattern woven textile called metochem. These are described below. a.1. Karchang: The plain woven textiles include pangtse, mathra, sethra, adang mathra, shardang thara, and pe sar. Plain woven clothes are worn at home or work since they are cheaper than the pattern-woven clothes. Mathra (red pattern) is a varicolored plaid woven on a maroon or red field, sometimes woven with stripes (khaja) at the edges. Sethra (gold pattern) is a plaid weave usually with yellow or orange field as the dominant colour. Sethra has two popular colour combinations; red with black or blue plaid on a white field; and yellow, white and black on an orange field. Sethra dokhana consists of black colour in it while buechapgi sethra does not contain black. Thara has horizontal stripes with white as a dominant field. Shardang thara has multicoloured stripes while Samkhongma have narrow red-and-blue stripes, and Mondre which has a similar pattern to Samkhongma is worn mainly by older people in rural areas. Kamtham Jadrima is a striped textile with colours of the rainbow. Kamtham thara consists of simple warp stripes or plaids, which are gifted to a religious person. Pesar (new design) is a modern innovation with small patterns in striped plain cloth. Yu tham or the country cloth which is made of wild silk or cotton is very popular in the rural areas. Kawley is a completely black fabric of wool, which is believed to have healing properties. a.2. Meto Chem: Aikapur and Ku shu thara are the two specific kinds of pattern-woven textiles. Pattern-woven clothes are considered special, and are valued and saved for special occasions like festivals, marriages and for New Year celebrations. Bhutanese weavers weave many different types of clothes with intricate designs such as leaves, birds, trees and other animal patterns. These are briefly explained below. Aikapur: Aikapur is a textile woven of cotton or silk, and appears to be embroidered. Aikapur has double faced pattern bands called hor which alternate with rows of plain weave; with always an odd number of legs ‘kangpa’ or cross hatches. A textile is referred to as a b-sampa (with three legs; b-napa (with five legs); b-zumpa (with seven legs); b-gupa (with nine legs); b-songhthurpa (with eleven legs); and b-songsampa (with thirteen legs). Aikapur is differentiated by the colour of the background thread, and the supplementary thread used. The common colours used in aikapur are: dromchu chema, literally meaning ‘little boxes’, with red, green, yellow, and white pattern bands. Mentse mathra is a material with a yellow base, and with red and green stripes. Montha has a blue or black background with red pattern bands between colourful stripes. Lungserma has green and red pattern bands on a yellow background. Shinglo or ‘tree of life’ patterns made on the fabric are used to assess the quality of an aikapur. The delicate branches and leaves of these trees are inspected when judging the quality of a textile. Kushu Thara: Kushu thara used to be considered aristocratic and the most prestigious dress for women. Ku shu thara is woven from vegetable dyed cotton and raw silk (bura) or entirely from silk. Ku shu thara has spectacular brocade design which take up to a year to weave. Ku shu thara is always embellished on a white base, and a similar kira with a blue or black background is called ngosham .Sapma, the continuous weft patterns, and tingma, the alternative weft patterns are used as base pattern for kushuthara, ngosham or shinglochem. Shinglochem can be either a gho or a kira, woven with alternate rows of warp pattern bands. b. Weaving Materials: Bhutanese produce fibres such as raw cotton, wool, nettle fibre, yak hair and bura (raw silk). The most expensive and the most valued fibre in Bhutan is raw silk. The Bhutanese do not kill the silk worms that remain inside after spinning its cocoon, but are left until they escape, which breaks the thread before it is unrolled. That is why, Bhutanese raw silk feels and looks relatively coarse compared to Indian and Chinese silk. Several types of yarn like seshu (cultivated from mulberry silk moth Bombayx mori), bura (produced by wild non-mulberry silk moth), namdru kuep (parachute silk), and varieties of silk imported from India are notable. b.1. Nettle: Nettle or stinging nettle, though now rarely used, is said to have been the original and chief fibre used by weavers in ancient Bhutan. Nettle fibre is coarse but strong and durable. That is why people in villages used it to weave sacks, bags, kurel, pagi, pakhi, bundi and tabden. Owing to its strength it is also used as bow string. Nettle is herbaceous flowering plant that grows in temperate and sub-tropical zone. The plant grows up to 2 meters in height with spiny stems and leaves and bears white to yellowish flowers. Nettle bark contains baste fibre which is strong, smooth and light. In Bhutan, nettle fibres are harvested in the months of October and November. After peeling the stems, the fibres are dried, and then cooked with ash for about 6 hours. The fibres are then washed with cold water, and beaten in order to remove the outer cover. After removing the outer cover, the fibres are dried and dyed with natural dyes. The nettle plants are shredded, and twisted into thin fibres using a drop spindle. Nettle fibres are used to weave bundi or carry bag. Bundi is usually woven with brocaded yudrung motif at the centre of the middle panel, on a white colour base. The bundi or carry bag consists of three lengths of cloth sewn together to form a square panel. Ropes on the diagonal sides of this piece are tied together to carry possessions and bedding. b.2. Wool: Yarns from yak, sheep and goat wool are spun using phang (drop spindle) and moved to a chaphang (spinning wheel). The herders of the high valleys of Merak and Sakteng weave shingka (tunic-style dresses), women’s jackets and belts. They also make hats, ropes, tents, and bags out of yak hair, and floor mats and blankets from sheep wool. The Layap women’s dress includes a black woollen jacket, a long woollen skirt, adorned with lot of jewels, which often include teaspoons. Women also wear conical bamboo hats with a bamboo spike at the top, held by beaded bands. Shingka, an ancient tunic-style textile that was woven with either a ngoshingkha (blue) or a laushingkha (red) wool base, was worn by a high lama during religious ceremonies. Char khab, woven from wool (of yak or sheep) either on a pedal loom or back strap loom is used for protection from snow, cold, and rain. It is water-resistant and an essential item for the herders in cold the region. Sephu charkhab (rain cloaks from Sephu) is a colourful textile with bands of green, blue, white and orange. Bumthang and Trongsa were known for a woollen fabric called yathra, which was used as a cover from rain and cold. In the late 1990s, farmers in Trongsa had stopped raising sheep which inevitably put an end to the practise of weaving yathra. Yathra is used as bed covers, blankets, rain cloaks, cushion covers, sofa set covers, and as jackets for both men and women. b.3. Cotton: Kershing (cotton) is used to separate the cotton seeds, and then fluff out to make it ready for spinning into yarn with the help of a wooden spindle or spinning wheel. Usually cotton woven with traditional designs on white background, chagsi pangkheb was put on laps to wipe hands before and after meals by persons of higher positions. In the early days, Bhutanese women used to put on an apron-like wear called dongkheb as a sign of respect while approaching the king or a high official. Phechung is a cotton woven carry bag woven but its usage is now limited to ceremonial receptions along with chagsi pangkheb. Thrikheb (throne cover) is a rare textile used as the King’s throne cover. It is also used for the lamas during religious ceremonies. Chephur gyaltshen (banner with frills), gyaltshen (pair of cylindrical hangings with valance), bumgho (bumpa covers), kheb and tenkheb (altar covers),phen (pair of triangular topped hangings) and chephur (a pair of cylindrical hangings) are some of the other cloth products that are used in altars and monasteries. Hingthub is a time-consuming but highly cherished textile woven for loved ones or for use by the weaver or their ‘lord’. The finer product demonstrates the dedication of the weaver. It is also used by the weaver’s family or to stitch outer attire for statues or as wall hangings. Today most of the yarns for weaving like raw silk, cotton and acrylic are imported while some of the yarn is spun and processed locally. The availability of cheap machine spun yarns from India has overtaken the local cotton cultivation. b.4. Types of Loom: There are three types of looms used by weavers in Bhutan. Traditionally pangthag was the most commonly used loom for weaving larger size garments. The smaller version of this loom called kethag is used for weaving narrow items like belts. In the 1970s, another type of loom called thri-thag (khri-thags) was adopted from India. This loom gained popularity in the growing urban centres. This later type is a horizontal loom with pedals. Each region has a speciality in terms of designs and types. Kurtoe is known for Ku shu thara, while marthra and serthra are mostly produced in Bumthang. Trashigang district is well known for weaving aikapur, while pangkheb and montha come from Kheng. b.5. Dyes: Bhutanese weavers consider the coordination of pleasing colours more important than the designs, patterns and techniques. Strong taboos are associated with the dyeing process and the weavers are very particular about colour shades. They believe that malevolent spirits, certain weather conditions, strangers or pregnant women can ruin the dye. Like the weaving techniques, the recipes for dyeing are closely guarded family secrets and the formula is usually passed down from mother to daughter. There are a number of dye-yielding plants. Weavers obtain dyes using simple methods from barks, flowers, fruits, leaves, and roots of plants, and minerals. Today, chemical or synthetic dyes called tsho-sar are easily available while the natural dye is called tsho nying. They are easily recognisable by their hue. Some of the natural dyes obtained from plants are described below. - Indigo: Shades of green, purple, blue and black are obtained from leaves of trees locally called yangshaba (Strobilanthus flaccidifolius) in Tshangla dialect. Indigo (lndigofera spp.) plants are cultivated in household gardens as a source of blue dye. Alum earths, sour fruits, and dug shing (Symplocos) leaves are used as a mordant in dyeing to fix the colouring matter. Indigo plant leaves are fermented for two weeks, and then passed through acidic ash water. - Lac: Jatsho (Lacifer lacca) is an organic dye that produces colours ranging from pink to deep red. Lac is boiled in water until it becomes sticky dough. The pulp is mixed with roasted wheat and allowed to ferment for 10 days. The selected yarn is then put into the boiling mixture until the colour gets absorbed. Churoo (Phyllanthusemblica) is used as a fixating element in dye. - Madder: Dried stems and leaves of madder called tsoe (Rubia cordifolia) are chopped into small pieces. This material is boiled together with the yarn to produce several colours ranging from pink to deep red. It is good for dyeing raw silk, cotton and wool. Madder can be preserved in dry place for years. The ripe berries of berberis, locally called kepatsang (Berberis aristata) are used as a source of red colour, while the barks of nut of the walnut tree can be used to obtain orange colour in woollen yarns. - Pangtse: Leaves from pangtse shing (Symplocos paniculata) are gathered from the forest, which can be used fresh or dried, to make yellow colour .Pangtse leaves are boiled in water along with woollen yarns. The yarn is then allowed to drip. Sometimes, yung ga (Curcuma longa) or turmeric is also used to obtain a bright yellow colour. Lemon, also called churoo (Emblica officinalis), variety of other berries, herbs, plants, and roots are used along with alum mordant to boost colours in the yarn. However, since dyed yarns from India are available at cheaper price, only a few Bhutanese weavers practise the tradition of natural dyeing processes these days.

There are various types of performed singing genres. Love songs is the most spread mass genre of singing art of the Kyrgyz. Love songs reflect not only moral and aesthetic worldview of the people, but love of native land as well. Their lyrics are often built on comparisons of images of nature and a loved one. They praise the beauty of surrounding world and motherland. Edification-songs represent other genre of the Kyrgyz folk singing. They reflect philosophical views about human character, family relations, society and peace, and contain catchwords and conclusions about natural phenomena. They are often sung during celebrations of important life events. Lyrical songs may be performed without accompaniment or with accompaniment of komuz or accordion. They sound more often without accompaniment during traditional and family celebrations of so called oturush, and sherine, as well as during folk song contests such as sarmerden and yr kese (singing chalice). No repertoire of folk singers (yrchy) is complete without lyrical songs. Ceremonial songs of the Kyrgyz, first of all, are connected with celebrations of various events. They have a solemn character and are performed with musical accompaniment. So, for example, toi bashtar (wedding song or feast song) marks the beginning of a wedding celebration or jubilee celebration, and jar-jar is the song of a greeting of groom and bride. There are ceremonial songs that are performed without musical accompaniment. It concerns the lamentation song performed by the bride’s mother at a dramatic moment of the wedding, when the bride leaves her parents’ house; or the lullabies that are performed during of the ceremony of encradling the newborn child. A vivid expression of the epic beginning of Kyrgyz folklore is demonstrated in lamentation songs performed at funerals. Songs of bakhshi and dervishes are other well preserved song genres of the Kyrgyz. They are performed in the form of melodic recitatives at praising and appealing to the God, and at purification rituals. Contemplation song is one of the genres of lyrical traditions of the Kyrgyz. They are built on folk philosophy, teaching, and artistic representation of the reality, which are transmitted from generation to generation. They comprise moral principles and ethno- pedagogical views of the nation in them. Similar to the other folk song traditions, contemplation songs are presented in rhythmic and poetic form.

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011

Mongolian triad is one of the phenomenal forms of Mongolian oral expressions could not be found elsewhere in the oral literature of other nations. The Mongolian triad refers to the Mongolian traditional preference for constant objects with similarities symbolizing in threes. It is usually expressed in three lines of verses usually portraying the philosophical views with wiser contents of exploration and observation. The structure and composition of the Mongolian triad is always represents the three continent of Mongol myth as heaven, earth and hell, or about earth (nature, land, earth and space) and human, and portray the scene of whole world simultaneously. For instance, 3 nice on the earth has named as: The full moon is nice (space), Flower in wild area is nice (mother land), Words of parent are nice (human sphere).

In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.

The 600-year-old Serlung Pelkar Chhoeling Monastery in Dawakha, Paro was founded by Drupthop Thangthong Gyalpo (1361-1485) when he built iron bridges for the people in this area. In the meantime, the people living in a place high up on the mountain had to deal with strong winds and storms that caused harm to the people and destroyed crops. The people blamed the infamous lakes in the area. There were two lakes, Yum and Syem (Mother and Daughter), which were believed to be the cause of all the destruction inflicted on the people. In Bhutan, the Bhutanese believe that all living things, including nature, have spirits and are alive within them. For example, the mountains in Bhutan are believed to be the abode of mountain gods, or at least to house spirits. Therefore, people decided to drive away the destructive spirits of the lakes by throwing the dead bodies of people and animals into the lake. The mother lake left its present location for the Dagala region and became known as Dagala Yumtsho, while the daughter lake did not make it further than present-day Selung Goemba. She had problems with her leg. You can still see the remains of the lakes where they rested. The mother advised the daughter to stay in this place and serve as the protector of the Dharma of Drupthop Thangtong Gyalpo in Selung Goemba, and left her her revered Sergi Alung (hook), making the place known as Serlung Goemba. The people of this place considered it auspicious that a lake had formed near a monastery founded by the famous Drupthop Thangtong Gyalpo. The villagers believed that the lake would eliminate famine and bring prosperity to the village, and held a festive sacrifice to ask the spirit of the lake to bless them with protection. The ritual takes place in Selung Goemba once every three years. There is no specific day or month set for its performance, but depends mainly on the availability of the Pawo. The Goemba is a common religious place of worship for the people of Khamdi and Sali and some other neighboring villages.

One of the valuable characteristics of Mongol herders keeping the nature in its original form treating with care and respect through centuries until now is the cause and ability to live in harmony with mother nature, preferring the water and dirt as gold, the earth as mother and the high blue sky as father. While moving from pasture to pasture searching for the freshest of the water, richest of the grass and favoring the nicest of the weather, the herders have accustomed not to leave any trash or rubbish behind at the old homestead. It is highly prohibited to break the young tree, single tree or old tree, to dig the dirt at one’s own will, to cut the trees and plants without any need or purpose due to their belief in spirits and deities.

Generally, the people of Limbu. Rai and Sunware (commonly known as Kiratis) celebrate Ubhauli and Udhauli festival. It is believed that there are two phases in one year – that are a Ubauli (Going up) and Udhuali (Going down) While the Ubhauli puja is usually conducted during the month of March and April (belief of onset of summer); Udhauli puja is a celebration of descending of season and is conducted during the month of November indicating the onset of winter season. It is believed that from November the winter season starts where people, birds, and animals migrate from cold regions to warmer regions. Udhauli and Ubhauli festivals are conducted in two different seasons – one in summer and the other one in winter- of the year. Kiratis are believed to be the worshipers of nature and agriculture being the sustenance of this community, the Kirats celebrate the Udhauli festival to thank Mother Nature for providing them with bountiful harvest during the current season. During the Ubhuali festival, as it marks the time of the year for cultivation, they pray to Mother Nature for timely rain, healthy crops and protection from natural calamities. In short, Ubhauli marks the beginning of cultivation, and Udhauli marks the harvest period. Although, in the past, Udhuali and Ubhauli festivals were conducted separately, the community today has started conducting these two festivals at one go in the month of March and April, calling this festival as Udhauli Ubhauli Puja. This community festival is conducted at the Diana River. This festival brings together all the people in the limbu community to observe a ritual of praying for a timely rain, good harvest and asking for good harvest at the end of the year. When: In the past, their ancestors used to celebrate Udhauli and Ubhauli puja in two different seasons (summer and winter) of the year. While Udhauli puja used to be conducted in the months of November and December, Ubhauli Puja was conducted in the months of March and April. However, with modernization and globalization, it has become difficult for the community to gather twice a year, they have started conducting this Udhauli and Ubhauli puja at the same time between March and April Month on any of the suitable days – Fridays and Saturdays, thus called this festival as Udhauli Ubhauli Puja. This festival is performed for a day. Where: Today, Udhaulu Ubhauli Puja is performed annually by the bank of River Diana. The reason why they perform this puja at the river is they being the worshiper of nature, they believe that the river is clean and is occupied by tutelary deities. People of the community gather together every year to pay homage to their deities, and pray for timely rain, good cultivation and bountiful harvest. Number of Performers: A paw initiates the festival with the help of one helper. It is said that the helper should be someone who would be able to understand the language of the initiator in a state of trance. The community makes merry, praying simultaneously for a smooth and successful entire crop cycle period starting from sowing seeds to harvest of the crop and protection from natural calamities.

Sansari Puja (Ritual for the Mother Nature) is the most important cultural event of the Limbu community, Samtse Gewog (block) under Samtse Dzongkhag (district). Sansari Puja is a community festival usually held in April according to the Gregorian calendar to ask blessings from Mother Nature and the deities living in the forest. They have a particular jungle called Limbu lha-kha where they perform this ritual annually. The reason for performing it in the jungle is because of the cleanliness and tranquility of the forest. During this festival, all members of the Limbu community gather to perform a ritual of gratitude and ask for future prosperity. During this ritual, the deities who preside over the jungle according to the community's beliefs are appeased to give thanks for the past successful year and to wish for a peaceful and prosperous life in the future. This festival is always held on one of the Saturdays of April in the Gregorian calendar. Although Saturday is the most suitable day, it can be moved to other days if one of the Saturdays in the month of April is inconvenient for performing the Sansari Puja according to divination. The Sansari Puja is performed every year on a hill known as Limbu lha-kha of Trasher Pu village by erecting a temporary altar where prayers are offered throughout the day for health and a good harvest. All the villagers gather on the quiet hilltop to perform this puja for the worship of Mother Nature and the well-being of all. The reason for performing this festival in the forest is the belief in a clean environment and mountains, and a patron deity who resides in clean places. The pandit or pujari (priest) and his helpers perform the entire festival while the people in the community are joyful and at the same time pray for good health, life and prosperity.