ALL
performances
ICH Elements 147
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Khaen music of the Lao people
The khaen is a mouth organ in which each tube has a reed. It looks like panpipes, but with bamboo (previously rice stalks or sometimes other plants) tubes of variable length, each with a metal reed. One blows into it through an air chamber called ‘marqunamdtow’. The sound produced is higher or lower depending on the size of the tube. It is a favourite instrument used in Lao traditional and folk music. Its design and number of tubes have evolved according to the changes in Lao folk melodies and songs. Today there are three kinds: the khaen 6 (12 tubes), the khaen 7 (14 tubes) and the most successful one, the khaen 8 (16 tubes). The khaen is very popular in all regions and communities of Laos due to its music’s richness and abundance, which represents the nation's soul for its population. The instrument is suitable for melodies and harmonic richness since it can produce several sounds simultaneously, like a piano. Its music is customarily part of numerous village festivals, accompanying traditional songs and dances. It symbolizes popular culture and it is customary for all villagers who listen to it to become actors rather than spectators, by participating actively and joyfully in the songs and dances it offers.
Lao People's Democratic Republic 2017 -
Qālišuyān rituals of Mašhad-e Ardehāl in Kāšān
Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.
Iran 2012 -
Karagöz
Karagöz is a form of shadow theatre where human, animal or object figures, known as “tasvir”s, are held in front of a light source and cast their shadows on a camel or ox-hide screen using horizontal rods. Karagöz is a mosaic of various art forms including poetry, narration, music and dance. All the elements of oral literature (tekerlemes (tongue-twister), bilmeces (riddles), supernatural stories, kılıklamas, repartees, exaggerations, puns, and so on) continue throughout the performance. The rhythm in which both dialogue and action proceed creating a form of expression that even those who do not know Turkish can appreciate. Once the play begins, an introductory figure, called “göstermelik” is placed on the screen in order to give the audience an idea as to the major themes of the play. The “göstermelik” can be either related to the play or not. “Scenery göstermelik” is shown till the end of play whereas “main göstermelik” removed just before the prologue. When the play begins, the göstermelik vanishes to the shrill sound of a whistle called “narake”. The characters in Karagöz are played by means of the tasvirs. The main characters are common for each play, yet the new characters are added by cutting new tasvirs. The main characters are Karagöz and Hacivat along with the others as Zenne, Çelebi, Tiryaki, Beberuhi, Laz, Kayserili, Kastamonulu, Rumelili Arap, Kürt, Arnavut, Frenk/Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, Matiz, Külhanbeyi and some other entertaining characters (çengi –dancer-, köçek –dancer in woman’s garment, kantocu- fin-de-siècle cabaret chanteuse-,hokkabaz –illusionist- and cambaz- acrobat). “Hayali” is the person who actually runs the performance. He is the creative artist who directs and animates the whole proceeding, regulating the entire show on his own. During the play, he may make changes in the play depending on the audience atmosphere, such as updating topics, shortening or prolonging the scenes, adjusting the order of the scenes or completely taking them out. Karagöz artist can have one or more assistants, who are also called “hayali” or “hayalbaz”. “Sandıkkâr” is in charge of the instruments, while “yardak” sings and “dayrezen” plays the tef (tambourine). Karagöz artists come from a master-apprentice discipline. Apprenticeship begins with the actual attachment of rods to tasvirs and lasts until reaching the maturity to run a whole play. “The one who falls behind to be a good “yardak” cannot be a master Karagöz artist” clearly expresses the importance of master-apprentice relation in Karagöz. The comic elements are emphasized in Karagöz plays involving exaggerations, puns, and imitations of the regional accents.
Turkey 2009 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Arirang, lyrical folk song in the Republic of Korea
Inscribed in 2012 (7.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nearly every Korean knows and enjoys singing Arirang, which is not just one song but a variety of local versions handed down throughout Korea. Experts estimate the total number of folk songs carrying the title ""Arirang"" at some 3,600 variations belonging to about 60 versions. Arirang is essentially a simple song, consisting of the universal refrain Arirang, arirang, arariyo, and lyrics that have developed differently from region to region. The most typical lines express a universal sentiment: Arirang, arirang, arariyo; Over the Arirang hill you go. (refrain) Leaving me, my love, you'd go lame before three miles. (lyrics) The lyrics were not created by any particular individual, but an outcome of collective contributions made by ordinary Koreans through generations. They convey joys and sorrows of common people arising from love, parting with the beloved, troublesome in-laws, or national struggle against foreign invaders. Affection for Arirang is evident throughout today's ultra-modern Korean culture, well beyond the realm of traditional music. Arirang has been rearranged into modern ballads, rock 'n roll and hip-hop, as well as symphonic pieces, appealing to a wide array of audiences and striking a chord with Koreans; it is often described as their unofficial national anthem. Olympic champion Kim Yu-na skated to an Arirang theme, ""Homage to Korea,"" at the 2011 World Figure Skating Championships. Arirang is also one of the most recognized cultural symbols and is widely used as a theme for movies, dramas and soap operas, and names of commodities, restaurants, and broadcasting companies.
South Korea 2012 -
Akiu no Taue Odori
“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.
Japan 2009 -
Nachi no Dengaku, a religious performing art held at the Nachi fire festival
achi no Dengaku is a performing art expressed by the local people through ritual dancing to flute music and beating drums to wish for an abundant harvest of rice crops. The repertoires, manner of dance and music have been fixed through its long tradition. In 1976 it was designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, and is currently recognized as an important cultural heritage that represents trends in Japanese people's way of living. It is performed on a stage of approximately 4m square, temporarily installed during a festival in ""Kumano Nachi Taisha,"" a tutelage shrine in the region. The festival is known nationwide as the Nachi Fire Festival, and Nachi no Dengaku is recognised as an important tradition that is a key component of the festival. Nachi no Dengaku is performed by one flute player, 4 drummers with drums around their waists, 4 players of ""Binzasara,"" a musical instrument that is only used during Dengaku, and 2 others. The flute player performs at the side, while 8 to 10 performers appear on stage and dance in accordance with the drums and Binzasara. They change their formation in various ways, by swapping positions, dancing in a circle or symmetrically. There are 22 repertoires, each performed in 45 minutes. The Binzasara is 8cm by 2cm, 1cm thick and is made by stringing together around 70 wooden plates. The dancer holds each handle of the Binzasara, and dances while making a sound by moving the wooden plates like a wave.
Japan 2012 -
Kun Qu opera
Kun Qu Opera developed under the Ming dynasty (fourteenth to seventeenth centuries) in the city of Kunshan, situated in the region of Suzhou in southeast China. With its roots in popular theatre, the repertory of songs evolved into a major theatrical form. Kun Qu is one of the oldest forms of Chinese opera still performed today. It is characterized by its dynamic structure and melody (kunqiang) and classic pieces such as the Peony Pavilion and the Hall of Longevity. It combines song and recital as well as a complex system of choreographic techniques, acrobatics and symbolic gestures. The opera features a young male lead, a female lead, an old man and various comic roles, all dressed in traditional costumes. Kun Qu songs are accompanied by a bamboo flute, a small drum, wooden clappers, gongs and cymbals, all used to punctuate actions and emotions on stage.
China 2008 -
Khoja Nasreddin satirical and humorous storytelling traditions
Traditions of telling humorous and satirical stories about Khoja Nasreddin - a folklore character of the peoples of the Muslim East. Khoja Nasreddin is a collective image devoid of spatial and temporal boundaries. He is a connecting link in a chain of cultural phenomena that are far from each other; in the end, he constitutes a single cultural layer. The first appearance of anecdotes about Khoja Nasreddin dates back to the 10th century. The literary character of Nasreddin is eclectic and combines in himself the image of a sage and a simpleton at the same time, an internally contradictory image of an antihero, a vagabond, a free-thinker, a rebel, a fool, a holy fool, a sly man, a rogue and even a cynical philosopher, a subtle scientist-theologian and a Sufi. He makes fun of human vices, misers, bigots, hypocrites, bribe judges, etc.
Uzbekistan 2022 -
Heritage of Korkyt Ata: epic culture, folk tales and music
The epic culture, folk tales and music of Korkyt Ata are based on twelve heroic legends, stories and tales and thirteen traditional musical compositions shared and transmitted across the generations through oral expressions, performing arts, cultural codes and musical compositions. Korkyt Ata appears in each story as a legendary figure and wise individual, a sage of minstrels whose words, music and expressions of wisdom relate to traditions of birth, marriage and death. In the musical compositions, the main intonations are reproduced using a musical instrument called the Kobyz through the sounds of nature, and imitation soundscapes are characteristic of this medium (such as the imitation of a wolf’s howl or a swan’s note). The musical compositions are all interconnected by the epic stories that accompany them. The element encompasses social, cultural and moral values such as heroism, dialogue, physical and spiritual wellness and unity as well as respect for nature, and contains profound knowledge about the history and culture of Turkic-speaking communities. It is practiced and sustained by the community concerned on a wide variety of occasions – from family events to national and international festivals – and is therefore well-rooted in society, serving as a connecting thread between generations.
Kazakhstan 2018 -
Nawrouz, Novruz, Nowrouz, Nowrouz, Nawrouz, Nauryz, Nooruz, Nowruz, Navruz, Nevruz, Nowruz, Navruz
It is the New Year by solar calendar in Central, South and South-West Asia countries. According to sources, Navruz was one of the biggest festivities among Iranian and Turkic peoples. Mahmud al-Kashgari in his work called "Diwanu l-Lugat al-Turk" mentions about many folk songs, which were dedicated to Navruz. Also, the information about Navruz festivity can be found in such works as "The remaining traces of past centuries" (written by Abu Rayhan al-Biruni), "Navruzname" (by Omar Khayyam), and those written by Alisher Navoi, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babur and other scholars. In the territory of Central Asia Navruz festivity was associated with the beginning of the New Year. As such, the preparations for it began several days ahead. Wheat was germinated and from its sprouts sumalak was cooked, dumplings with greens and samosas with mint were prepared. Also folk games were organized (such as horseracing, uloq, kurash, etc.), promenades were arranged, songs about spring were sung, terma and dostons were performed (by bakhshis). On the first day of Navruz children, living in rural areas, gathered in groups and sang songs dedicated to Navruz before the doors of houses. And the owner of the house, hearing these songs, came out, gave presents to children, and treated them with food. In their turn, children distributed one part of the food among widows and orphans living in the village. All these traditions and customs are still alive.
Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,India,Iraq,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Pakistan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2016 -
Lakalaka, dances and sung speeches of Tonga
The Tonga archipelago lies in the South Pacific approximately 2,000 kilometres north-east of New Zealand. It is the only constitutional monarchy in the Pacific region. Often considered Tonga’s national dance, Lakalaka is a blend of choreography, oratory, and vocal and instrumental polyphony. This cultural expression is practised by communities throughout the islands and features prominently at important celebrations such as the coronation of the monarch and anniversaries of the constitution.The term lakalaka means “to step briskly or carefully” in the Tongan language, and its origins can be traced to a dance known as the me’elaufola. The tradition developed in the nineteenth century and, thanks to the continuous transmission and the patronage of the royal family, it underwent a revival in the twentieth century. Performances last approximately thirty minutes and involve large groups of up to several hundred people. Participants are aligned in rows, men on the right and women on the left.The men dance in rapid and energetic movements, while the women execute graceful dance steps co-ordinated with elegant hand gestures. Both groups clap and sing as they move, and a chorus often provides vocal accompaniment.The polyphonic singing coupled with the synchronized movements of hundreds of dancers offers an impressive spectacle.The creative force behind the performance is the punake who is at the same time poet, composer, choreographer and performance director. Punakes are expected to continually renew the Lakalaka repertory, by exploring themes related to Tongan history, legends, values and social structure.
Tonga 2008