The Hüsn-i hat is the art of writing with Islamic letters of Arabic origin by using reed pen and soot ink in a measured and proportional manner while taking into consideration of the aesthetic values. A special paper glazed with organic substances (aharlı kağıt), reed pen (kamış kalem), pen-knives, a special slab for trimming the reed pen (makta), inkwell (hokka) and pen case (divit) are the most used tools in its practice traditionally. The Hüsn-i hat is written on special paper, leather or other writing materials and it may also be applied on the surfaces of stone, marble, glass, wood, etc. by using specific techniques. Holding the reed pen and its directions on the paper by the hattat ensures the perfection and compound of letters. There are different styles of writing which have been evolved over centuries: Thuluth, jali, naskh, muhaqqaq, raykhāni, tawqi, riqā’, kufic, ta’liq, nasta’liq, siyaqat, diwani, riq’a, gubari are among the commonly preferred styles. These writing styles, using the tools and traditional craftsmanship related to the element have been transmitted through master-apprentice relation from generation to generation. The Quran, hadiths (statements of the Prophet Muhammad), Turkish laconic and poetical couplets are written with hüsn-i hat. Therefore, hattats have applied Sufistic rituals while writing hüsn-i hat. Apart from the sacred and literal works, the element also practised in state correspondences such as imperial edicts, warrants and religious and public buildings in Seljuk and Ottoman period. Today, the element is still practised in sacred and literal works and religious buildings in Turkey.

Turkey 2021

Historically, livestock herding has been one of the main livelihoods of the Kyrgyz people. That is why leather crafting has become an important craft and many household items are made out of leather. The skin of such domestic and wild animals as cows, horses, camels, yaks, sheep, goats, foxes, otters, mountain goats and deer is used for leathercraft. Sheep and goat skin is most widely used due to their accessibility. Sheep leather is used for making shoes and cloths. In the context of nomadic and pastoral lifestyle, dishes made out of leather are still popular. The vessels for milk products such as sabaa, kookor, konok, konochok were made out of processed camel of cow skin. The vessels are smoked with juniper or pine branches before use. Cattle skin is used to make leather for some household items such as wooden chests for dishes and utensils, horse tack (stirrups, various strips, reigns and whips), etc. Both women and men are engaged in leather work. At the same time there is a clear separation in labor. E.g. only men slaughter and skin animals. Men also process leather for horse tack and other large things. Women process skin of smaller animals such as sheep and goats. Women make such household items as vessels for milk products, various bags, sacks and cup-holders. Kyrgyz people tried to decorate leather items just like any other household item. There were many ways to decorate leather items. E.g. cup-holders were decorated with silver clips or patterns were craved right on the surface of leather. Leather items were made in different shapes. E.g. kookor, a vessel for kymyz, was made in a shape of an anchor, cup holders were cylindrical or semi-spherical. Carving or stamping patterns on the leather surface looks very good because it livens up the monotonous surface and makes it more pleasing to eye.

Tshar-zo, the age-old tradition of working with bamboo and cane is a popular art, spread and practiced throughout Bhutan. The availability of numerous species of bamboo and cane has enabled the Bhutanese to master the skill of weaving these raw materials into a variety of articles for various uses. Throughout Bhutan, the use of bamboo and cane products has always complemented the use of wooden items, forming an integral part of the lifestyle and economy of the people. Bhutanese farmers weave a variety of functional bamboo and cane articles used for a variety of domestic, agricultural and commercial purposes. Bamboo (Neomicrocalamus andropogonifolius), is locally named Ringshu in Dzongkha and as Yula in Khengkha. Cane (Calamus acanthospathus) is locally known as Munzi in Sharchopkha, and as krath or gren in Khengkha. These are the two common species used in the production of a variety of articles. Bamboo and cane strips are used in their natural colour or dyed into yellow, black, red, green, maroon and brown, to weave colourful articles with geometric designs.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

Local tradition maintains that Pema Lingpa was looking around Choekhor valley to find a suitable site for his temple when he saw a wild boar digging in the soil. He realized that it was a sign from the enlightened being Dorje Phagmo (deity Vajravarahi) meant to show him the appropriate site. Once the temple was built, during its consecration he instituted a festival dedicated to the guardian deities as a symbol of gratitude. Since the prophecy as well as the ground breaking for Tamzhing temple is believed to have been guided by Dorje Phagmo, the festival is dedicated to her and named Phagla Chodpa. Sherab Wangdi remembers that before the Lhalung Dratshang community arrived at Tamzhing, there were two different grand festivals at the temple, a drub held in the seventh lunar month and Phagla Chodpa in the eighth lunar month. The monthly rituals, the drub, and the mask dances were organized and performed by the Tamzhing drapa (Lay-monks), while the Phagla Chodpa had been coordinated by the late Lama Phuntsho, who traveled from Trongsa Samchoeling. Before Lama Phuntsho would arrive, the Tamzhing threlpa would construct a temporary residence above the temple. Each morning during the Phagla Chodpa, the mask dancers (champa) and female dancers (maniwa) received the lama in a chibdrel procession that moved toward the temple. Oral tradition maintains that ever since the Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa was founded, the mask dances have been performed by the Tamzhing drapas, while the threlpas have sponsored all the food and drinks from the rehearsal day until the last day of the festival. Initially, the Phagla Chodpa lasted only two days, excluding the mewang and chamjug. After Lama Phuntsho passed away, the Phagla Chodpa was not performed for nearly seven years (from 1972–1978) due to misunderstandings between the Tamzhing Choeje and the drapas. The drapas settled in other villages for a number of years. Apparently, after some time they came to decide that the festival is an important ancestral tradition to offer gratitude to the local deities. Thus, the drapas approached the late Lyonpo Tamzhing Jagar—then the Minister of Home and Culture—and made a collective pledge to revive the Phagla Chodpa. The minister appreciated their volunteerism and provided new costumes and some masks for the dances. Performances resumed in 1979, this time incorporating some mask dances performed by the Lhalung monastic community. The addition of Lhalung’s mask dances had the effect of extending the two-day-long festival to three days. Tradition maintains that Tamzhing Choeje has been coordinating Phagla Chodpa and sponsoring one meal during the first day of the festival, while the Tamzhing drapa shouldered responsibility of contributing mask dances, folk dances, and a collectively sponsored meal for the duration of the festival. If the tradition is correct, there has not been a significant change in organizing the Chodpa. In the recent past, at the urging of Sherab Wangdi, local residents made a collective agreement that every household would participate in and contribute to the Phagla Chodpa festival – irrespective of their status as drapa, zurpa or threlpa. Every household has to contribute a man capable of performing mask dances; if a suitable man wasn’t available, a woman has to join as either a maniwa(folk dancer), or as a drangzhapa or dronchongpa (receive guests and serve tea and drink). If there is no one available to volunteer, then that particular household has to be the tsawa (sponsor) for a specific day of the festival. A tshogpa, or village representative, is appointed to ensure the festival runs smoothly. The Chiwog Tshogpa acts as the chairperson while each village provides a reliable person to act as a representative for his/her respective community. Above all, Sherab Wangdi acts on behalf of Tamzhing Choeje in the role of president and oversees all activities related to the festival. On the ninth day of the eighth month which is the chamjug day, the drapa of Tamzhing village acts as the tsawa for the entire day, sponsoring everything from the early morning zheythug (porridge) until the group dinner. The responsibility then rotates: on the inaugural day (tsukton), Tamzhing Choeje is the sponsor, Kharsum and Konchogsum sponsor on the second day (barton), Tekarzhong sponsors on the concluding day (droeton), and on the thruesol day, Rerebi village is responsible. There are additional preparations to be completed before the chamjug. Each household has to send one person to help clean and prepare for the mewang. While the preparation in the shrine is done a day before the chamjug day, the final decoration and cleaning of the surrounding takes place on the thruesol day after lunch is served. a. Day One (9th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Chamjug and Mewang In the morning of the ninth day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance performers gather at the temple courtyard with their belongings, including a mattress, pillow, blankets, plates and a mug. It is a customary that during the Chodpa both female dancers and mask dancers spend the night away from their families, sleeping instead in designated parts of the temple to maintain purity. After distributing the masks, garments, and necessary implements to the respective mask dancers, the group goes to the ground below the Konchogsum Lhakhang to prepare for the mewang, or Fire Blessing. A gate is made from fresh pine tree limbs and bunches of fresh juniper branches, and dried wood and bamboo is piled on both sides. Old bamboo baskets and mats are hung on the limbs to help spread the fire. Mantras and scriptures dedicated to the fire god are also inserted into the structure as they are believed to drive away any unseen evil spirits. The chamjug and Mewang programme ends with that last bey performance, which can take place as late as midnight. According to local oral tradition, the officiants used to visit every household in the villages after the Mewang. Since that was an exhausting event for the lama, gingpa, patselpas and monks, for the last five years they have conducted a performance in the ground instead so as not to exhaust the ritual specialists and dancers by keeping residents up all night, and lastly, to allow for devotees from outside Tamzhing to participate in the Fire Blessing. b. Day Two (10th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tsukton (Initial day) The mask dances for the tsukton or the 10th day of the eighth lunar month are presented in the following order: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Lang Cham (Mask Dance of the two Oxen), performed by monks; - Phag Cham (Maks Dance of the Hog), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed by monks; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by monks; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by laymen; - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche), performed by monks; - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen. c. Day Three (11th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Barton On the 11th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance programme takes place as follows: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Two Stags), performed by monks; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Four Stags), performed by laymen; - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of the Evil Spirit), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed bby laymen; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by laymen; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by monks; - Zhana Phur Cham (Vajrakila Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen; - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by laymen; - Shinje Cham (Mask Dance of Yama) performed by monks; - Tshangpai Ging Cham (Peling Tshangpai Ging), performed by laymen. d. Day Four (12th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Droeton On the 12th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances are conducted as follows: - Gadpo Gorcham (Dance of the Old man and Senior Atsara), perforemd by laymen; - Throzam Cham, performed by monks; - Shinje (Dance of Yama), performed by laymen; - Durdhag (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by monks; - Tangra Serkyem (Black Hat Dance Offering Serkyem to the Deities), performed by monks; - Sangye Lingpai Nga Cham (Drum Dance of Terton Sangye Lingpa), performed by laymen; - Chendren Ngama (Reception Dance), performed by monks; - Nodjin Tseumar (Processiona and Blessings from the Guardian Deity Teumar), conducted by monks; - Tenwang (Procession and Blessings) from the Buddha Amitayus image crafted by Pema Lingpa; - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Handsome Men and Charming Ladies), performed by laymen. e. Thruesol (13th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Informal Gathering On the 13th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances take place as follows: - Lhabsang and cleanup (Cleansing ritual) - Thruesol (spiritual sprinkling of water)

Gong is one of the instruments in the Pin Peat ensemble. Nowadays, there are only a few people who know how to do it. It is uncommon to see leftovers gong for sale, as each unit requires a considerable amount of capital. So, if a costumer wants to get a gong, he/she has to make a deposit first. The method of making gong described here is the way of the villagers of Trapeang Arak, Ov Lek commune, Ang Snoul district, Kandal province. Nowadays, some modern tools are used to make Gong to save time and labor. For example, in the past people use “Snob Dai, a manual pump” to pump in air to make fire, but now they use an electric fan instead. In addition, for a polishing process, people also use a machine. To produce Gong requires at least three people because during Gong pounding, three people are needed. Gong smith used to buy old metals containing copper and tin from the market. The percentage of copper was 70 to 73 percent, and tin 27 to 30 percent. If the mixture is not mixed properly, the metal will crack. After metals are properly weighed, it will be burned in Kulapheach vessel called "Baw" and then poured into a molded plate. Then the metal is burned again until it soft enough to pound. Gong is made in different sizes and it needed to be arranged in number chronological order. After that, Gong makers re-burn some other metal plates to make Gong’s stand. When that is the case, burn it and pound it on a flat board called “Kda Dos”, so that the middle part of the gong is fatten, called (Dos Gong). Not only that, they immediately burn it again to make it soft enough and make the legs a little smaller than the upper surface (called an umbrella). When all this is done, they burn the fruit and put it in a jar with vinegar. So far, we have seen that the work of each step is to burn the gong several times to get the right shape. But it is still not finished, because you have to take the fruit that comes out in the right shape and polish it. In the past, traditional techniques were required that required the use of a variety of materials, but today it is easier to use a polishing machine. Gong making process is “a real workmanship” that requires special skills and talents. That is why at least on the first day of the lunar month, Vishnu is offered at the head of the pump and the stove. The art of making gongs is an important intangible heritage that can last for a long time as long as those who have the skills can live in this profession properly. Otherwise, it may be lost in the future.

For centuries, many great master carpenters of Bhutan have displayed their skills to produce distinctive architectural designs that had come to be our heritage in wood work or shingzo. Woodwork continues to be a dominant part of most construction works. For structures that require wood, master carpenters are called upon to employ their knowledge and skills and to engineer the entire works without any blue print. The achievements of our master carpenters are evident in the dzongs, temples and monasteries, palaces, houses and bridges. The dzongs are widely appreciated by their architectural marvels. Trulpai Zowo Balep is respected and revered as a legendary artisan, for his contribution in the construction of Punakha Dzong in 1637. A long thread called thig containing dissolved red soil; a pendulum (chongdo) and a wooden lopon are essential possessions of a carpenter as are other tools. Bhutanese master carpenters rely on their knowledge and experience, and are expert in the joining wood without using metal nails. Each structural part like pillars, doors, beams, window frames, and roof girders are fitted separately on the ground. These elements are then joined together using thick wooden pegs. Logs with ledges serve as staircases. Roofs are also made of wooden shingles, weight down in their places by boulders. Items for daily use: Skills in wood work are also employed in making tools and essential items as listed below: •\t Wooden printing blocks, altars and plates for making offerings in the household, drums (nga) and masks of different types; •\t Cups, scabbards, handles for knives and swords and boxes of different types; •\t Musical instruments like guitar and drums, •\t Various decorative items likethe dragons, eight lucky signs and other decorative items. •\t Sports items lime darts (khuru) and targets (bha), •\t Wooden phalluses of different sizes.

Shagzo or the traditional art of woodturning is an ancient art that has been passed down for generations. Shagzo is vibrantly practised in Bhutan and the master artisans are known as Shagzopa. Bhutan’s abundant and wide range of woods like tashing (Juglans regia), hashing (Taxus baccata), baashing (Picea spinulosa), tsenden shing (Cupressus corneyana), sermaling shing (Acer camphellii) and etometo (Rhododendron arboretum) have enabled the Bhutanese Shagzopa to create a variety of exquisite functional and decorative products like turned wooden bowls, cups, plates, and containers of various shapes, sizes and colours unique to Bhutan. Skilled wood turners also craft traditional hand drums that are beaten during religious ceremonies. Since Bhutanese tradition is deeply rooted in the teachings of the Buddha, use of drums and drum sticks are a part of the rituals performed everywhere. Used in all religious ceremonies and rituals, the Bhutanese traditional drum known as Nga, and the Nge-tog (drumstick) are indispensable articles found in every temple, monastery and home. An ancient instrument of musical offering, the beatings of the Nga symbolizes the subjugation of evil, indicates the fluctuation of tunes and wordings, and regulates the pace of other instruments during rituals and propitiation ceremonies.

Repairment of the wooden plates, spoons, ceramic and porcelain teapots, bowls, cups with glue, panel, and nails.

Jewellery art (kaz. 'zergerlyk') - is knowledge and skills in the field of traditional Kazakh art manufacturing of silverware. Since ancient times, there were produced a variety of silver jewelry: rings, earrings, necklaces, bracelets, pendants, buckles and much more. Especially highly prized precious silver vessels, such as jugs, bowls, mugs, decorated with engraved images. Archeological findings suggest that Kazakh people achieved a higher level in the development of jewellery making. Chylik findings were made using such techniques as stamping, engraving, true grain, incrustation (VII-V century BC); Issyk finding included “Golden warrior” (IV-III century BC); Berel kurgan findings (IV-VI century BC) from Eastern Kazakhstan are the testimony of a unique “animal style” in jewellery making. Jewellery is mainly made with silver. This craft is widespread across Kazakhstan but each region has its specifications concerning technique and design. Jewelry sets are made for men, women, and children; as well jewellery making is used for decorating musical instruments, household items, weaponry and horse gears; some made for rituals, others have symbolic or sacred value. Zergerlyk used for making details in men’s clothing, rider’s gear, horse riding gear, for example, horse equipment (er-tuman), traditional belts (beldyk, kyseh beldyk and kyemer belbeu), sword and knives’ handles and scabbards, powder flask (okhshantai), snuffboxes (nasybai). Women’s decorative items include forehead jewellery (shekelyk), braid jewellery (shashbau), earrings (syrgha), necklaces (alkhah, onirzhiyek, tumar), bracelets and cuffs (bilezyk), rings (zhuzyk), belt buckles (khapsyrmah), buttons (tyuime), personal hygiene items (tyss tazlaghysh, khulakh tazlaghysh), tools for crafting, spindle (urshykh), thimble (oymakh). Zergers also make child’s cradle set: bessyk (cradle), shumek (tube to flow urine), syldyrmakh (rattle), yemyzik (pacifier), tumar (amulet, charm) and other items. The jewelry pieces in the form of circle, oval, triangle, half oval, rectangular, petal, peak and beak are frequently combined to make a larger piece, for example pectoral decorative items onzhyrek and alkah are made of several triangle and rectangular plates, khudaghy zhuzik (a special large double ring presented when marriage brokerage occurs) and bes-blezyk (a bracelet connected with chains with three rings). Geometric style from Western Kazakhstan is famous for large-scale decorative items that are assembled from pre-made pieces that are joined together by soldering (plates, borders, solar symbols, grain). Most common techniques include true grain, plated filigree, stamping, embossing, engraving, niello, enamel, casting, forging, and incrustation with precious and semi-precious stones. Stone (tas) are sliced flat and are called eye (koz) as they considered to be protection charms. The most popular stone is cornelian (akhykh) as it symbolizes prosperity and joy.

achi no Dengaku is a performing art expressed by the local people through ritual dancing to flute music and beating drums to wish for an abundant harvest of rice crops. The repertoires, manner of dance and music have been fixed through its long tradition. In 1976 it was designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, and is currently recognized as an important cultural heritage that represents trends in Japanese people's way of living. It is performed on a stage of approximately 4m square, temporarily installed during a festival in ""Kumano Nachi Taisha,"" a tutelage shrine in the region. The festival is known nationwide as the Nachi Fire Festival, and Nachi no Dengaku is recognised as an important tradition that is a key component of the festival. Nachi no Dengaku is performed by one flute player, 4 drummers with drums around their waists, 4 players of ""Binzasara,"" a musical instrument that is only used during Dengaku, and 2 others. The flute player performs at the side, while 8 to 10 performers appear on stage and dance in accordance with the drums and Binzasara. They change their formation in various ways, by swapping positions, dancing in a circle or symmetrically. There are 22 repertoires, each performed in 45 minutes. The Binzasara is 8cm by 2cm, 1cm thick and is made by stringing together around 70 wooden plates. The dancer holds each handle of the Binzasara, and dances while making a sound by moving the wooden plates like a wave.

Japan 2012

Art metal processing works made by masters found in museum funds of Kyrgyzstan and those that are passed from generation to generation shows that the Kyrgyz possessed metal processing techniques from the ancient times. The Kyrgyz metalwork masters are named as ‘usta’ or ‘zergher’. Distinct features of different techniques of metalworking can be observed in the works of the Kyrgyz masters, such as forging, molding, appliqueing, notching metal with silver, engraving, minting, pattern plating, pelleting, fretwork and black finishing. Silver is the most common metal used by the Kyrgyz. Masterpieces distinct to the Kyrgyz jewelry making have been created with a help of simple tools used in metalworking. The kit of jeweler’s main instruments included an anvil, hammers for different purposes, dies, stamps, chisels, puncheons, mandrels, cutters, poin-tools, etc. Motives of the ornaments used in jewelry and metal works are very diverse. Of a particular interest are the Kyrgyz traditions of metalworking expressed in details of the horse equipment. They are richly decorated with metal braces covering joints of belts made by embossing technique and notching. Kyrgyz jewelers broadly used the technique of denting, that is coating notched iron plates with silver. Such coated plates of different size and forms were then used to embellish harness elements, man’s belts, knives, fire stones, trunks, cases for dishes, etc. Quite often jewelry articles were framed with granules. This technique was primarily used in woman’s adornments, such as ear-rings, rings, seal-rings, bracelets, and etc. Like formerly, granulation was combined with filigreeing and incrustation. Community of craftspeople metalworking was a purely masculine craft, but women zergers are also known.