Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

Inscribed in 2008 (3.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (originally proclaimed in 2003) Pansori is a genre of musical storytelling performed by a vocalist and a drummer.This popular tradition, characterized by expressive singing, stylized speech, a repertory of narratives and gesture, embraces both elite and folk culture. During performances lasting up to eight hours, a male or female singer, accompanied by a single barrel drum, improvises on texts that combine rural and erudite literary expressions. The term Pansori is derived from the Korean words pan, meaning “a place where many people gather”, and sori meaning “song”. Pansori originated in south-west Korea in the seventeenth century, probably as a new expression of the narrative songs of shamans. It remained an oral tradition among the common people until the late nineteenth century, by which time it acquired more sophisticated literary content and enjoyed considerable popularity among the urban elite. The settings, characters and situations that make up the Pansori universe are rooted in the Korea of the Joseon period (1392-1910). Pansori singers undergo long and rigorous training to master the wide range of distinct vocal timbres and to memorize the complex repertories. Many virtuosos have developed personal interpretive styles and are renowned for their particular manner of performing specific episodes.

South Korea 2003

Kyrgyz wresting ‘Kurosh’ is one of the most ancient types of wrestling of the Kyrgyz people. Athletes wear belts and white loose pants without a shirt on. Wrestlers stand one in front of another and hold each other by the belt with both hands. A wrestler must have at least one hand on the belt of his opponent during the match. One cannot grab opponent’s legs with hands but foot sweeps are allowed. The one whose thigh, body or head touches the ground first loses. If athletes fall simultaneously and it is unclear who touched the ground first – the match starts over.

Since ancient times, nomads used to drink ‘kymyz’ from mare, cow and camel milk. Even now on ‘jailoo’ (pastures), the way of making kymyz remained the same as centuries ago. The most valued kymyz is made of mare’s milk. From spring until the late autumn, horses grace on mountain pastures. During this period, mare’s milk is collected. Traditionally, both men and women are engaged in the process. After the collection of the milk, it is poured into the leather bag ‘saba’ where the leaven of kymyz is always kept. Then the milk inside the cube is whipped thoroughly, for about half an hour using a stake. It takes about 12-15 hours for the kymyz to reach the condition.

Kokpar Tartu (in Kazakh means 'taking goat away' is a traditional competition of horse riders for a goat carcass. 'Kokpar' or 'Kok bori' in Kazakh means 'grey wolf'. Originally kokpar attributed to three factors: 1) the players portray predatory steppe wolf attacking a herd and likewise destroy their sheep; 2) it is possible that in this way before fleeing with the production, so, probably, rescued from captivity the wounded batyr; 3) linked with the struggle of phratry for the carcass of an animal totem. This game is known among other peoples of Central Asia and East (Kyrgys Kok boru traditional game was inscribed to the Representative list in 2017). There are two versions of the game. The most common is 'zhalpy-tartys' ('common competition), where the winner will be the most skillful horseman. Another version of the game 'doda-tartys' (contest of two teams) - a struggle between the two groups, which include a certain number of riders participating in the contest. So, one of the riders jumps with a dead goat carcass, and the rest of the team's players are trying to take away the carcass. The aim of the game is to pick up and bring the goat carcass to the set location. Participation in kokpar tartu requires a high training of members, as this contest of the strength, agility, endurance, ability to stay in the saddle.

The 'ie Samoa is a special finely hand-woven mat that is fastened at the hem with 2 rows of green and red feathers on each end, and a loose fringe on one end. Traditionally woven with fine strippings of the pandanus plant, the final product is silk-like in nature. Its shiny coppery color adds to its value as it is a testament to its age and the natural bleaching process it undergoes from the sun and seawater. The length of 'ie Samoa is traditionally 12x9 aga or handspans of the weaver. This demonstrates its high level of intricacy as each woven strand measures as little as one milimeter in width. Therefore, the production of a single 'ie Samoa can take up to several months and even years depending on the length of the fine mat. Nevertheless, the 'ie Samoa is more than a cultural product of exceptional skills, its true value is demonstrated in its use as an exchange valuable in traditional ceremonies and rituals that serve to reaffirm kinship ties and strengthen community wellbeing. More colloquially known as 'ie toga, the 'ie Samoa is displayed and exchanged at festive celebrations or important gatherings such as weddings, funerals, or religious ordinations. The giving and receiving of the 'ie Samoa contributes profoundly to the maintenance of social structure and is an integral part of the Samoan culture. As objects of the highest cultural value, this traditional art form lies at the foundation of Samoa's rich intangible cultural heritage.

Samoa 2019

Khon is a highly-refined performing art that combines multiple artistic elements: musical, vocal, literary, dance, ritual and handicraft. It may have combined features of ancient genres: court ritual, martial art, and the shadow play. It tells the story of Ramakien – the localized Thai version of the Ramayana epic. Its many episodes depict the life of Rama, his journey in the forest, his love for his wife Sita, his army of monkeys, the fights with the army of Thosakan (Ravana), king of the giants, and his final victory. The dancers wear elaborately embroidered costumes. The giants and monkeys all wear masks that cover their entire head. The colours and shape of each mask are unique to each character. The drama is enacted through dancing, accompanied by a piphat classical xylophone ensemble, singing, and narration. Each major type of characters has a distinct mode of dance expression. The dance postures and movements, the music, and the repertoire have been handed down from generations since the 15th century. The masked dance performances form part of social practices such as royal cremation, cremation of high-ranking persons or revered monks, and celebration of sacred sites and temples. Dancers, musicians, craftsmen and other members of Khon community annually perform a ceremony to honour Khon masters of the past, teachers, and deities. During this ceremony, new members are initiated into the community. Khon performance is continually evolving with new interpretations, and the adoption of modern technology for stagecraft, whilst retaining its traditional intensive dance training and ritual.

Thailand 2018

The Hudhud consists of narrative chants traditionally performed by the Ifugao community, which is well known for its rice terraces extending over the highlands of the northern island of the Philippine archipelago. It is practised during the rice sowing season, at harvest time and at funeral wakes and rituals. Thoughts have originated before the seventh century, the Hudhud comprises more than 200 chants, each divided into 40 episodes. A complete recitation may last several days. Since the Ifugao’s culture is matrilineal, the wife generally takes the main part in the chants, and her brother occupies a higher position than her husband. The language of the stories abounds in figurative expressions and repetitions and employs metonymy, metaphor and onomatopoeia, rendering transcription is very difficult. Thus, there are very few written expressions of this tradition. The chant tells about ancestral heroes, customary law, religious beliefs and traditional practices, and reflects the importance of rice cultivation. The narrators, mainly elderly women, hold a key position in the community, both as historians and preachers. The Hudhud epic is chanted alternately by the first narrator and a choir, employing a single melody for all the verses.

Philippines 2008

The Darangen is an ancient epic song that encompasses a wealth of knowledge of the Maranao people who live in the Lake Lanao region of Mindanao. This southernmost island of the Philippine archipelago is the traditional homeland of the Maranao, one of the country’s three main Muslim groups. Comprising 17 cycles and a total of 72,000 lines, the Darangen celebrates episodes from Maranao history and the tribulations of mythical heroes. In addition to having a compelling narrative content, the epic explores the underlying themes of life and death, courtship, love and politics through symbol, metaphor, irony and satire. The Darangen also encodes customary law, standards of social and ethical behaviour, notions of aesthetic beauty, and social values specific to the Maranao. To this day, elders refer to this time-honoured text in the administration of customary law. Meaning literally “to narrate in song”, the Darangen existed before the Islamization of the Philippines in the fourteenth century and is part of a wider epic culture connected to early Sanskrit traditions extending through most of Mindanao. Specialized female and male performers sing the Darangen during wedding celebrations that typically last several nights. Performers must possess a prodigious memory, improvisational skills, poetic imagination, knowledge of customary law and genealogy, a flawless and elegant vocal technique, and the ability to engage an audience during long hours of performance. Music and dance sometimes accompany the chanting.

Philippines 2008

Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival is a traditional practice which is composed of a set of rituals and can be traced back to middle ages. Emerged in XIVth century Rumelia (Southwestern part of Turkey), Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is one of the world’s oldest festivals (648 years). 648th Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival was organized in Edirne, in 2009. Festival ceremonies last for three days. The festival is launched by the welcoming ceremony of Kırkpınar Aga with 40 davul-zurna bands in front of Edirne Municipality Building. The festival activities then move on ceremonial procession in the city center followed by moment of silence ceremony, singing the Kırkpınar anthem and visiting the ‘Cemetery of Pehlivans’. The “golden belt”, which the Chief Pehlivan (Baş Pehlivan) will be rewarded with, is carried during the ceremonial procession. The festival starts on Friday, which is regarded as holy by the Muslims. The reason for choosing Holy Friday as the first day of the festival is the tradition of reciting mevlid (prayer) for the pehlivans. The “mevlid” is recited in historical Selimiye Mosque by the participation of all pehlivans. The events continue with the wrestling of pehlivans on an arena built exclusively for the festival in the outside of the city centre, Men’s Field (Er Meydanı) is the place where the oil wrestling is held as a customary practice of Pehlivan wrestling. Oiling of pehlivans in the field and Peşrev, which consists of a series harmonized warming up exercises and salutation, are important rituals of the festival. The festival goes on with the introduction of the pehlivans by cazgırs and at the end of the third day, the festival closes with the awarding of Kırkpınar Golden Belt to the winner called Chief Pehlivan. A band of 40 davul-zurna players perform ‘Kırkpınar tunes’ throughout the festival. What distinguishes Kırkpınar from any other wrestling festival is its rich cultural form which preserved its traditional image for centuries. Attracting people from all regions of Turkey, Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling Festival contributes greatly to social peace along with a sense of cultural cohesion. Such a rooted tradition which is sustained by the groups, communities and individuals contributes to dissemination of intangible cultural heritage concept as well. Kırkpınar can be considered as a fair with its authentic objects (red-bottomed candles, kıspets, local traditional clothes, peşgirs, zembils -a kind of tool for carrying the kıspet, tools for oil, davuls and zurnas, golden belt), rituals (praying, mevlid tradition, peşrev and oiling) and cultural identities ( pehlivan figure) (pehlivan, Kırkpınar agası (main sponsor), cazgır). Main Elements of the Festival Pehlivans Wrestlers who oil themselves are called pehlivans. The figure of pehlivan is an important element of cultural identity for Turkish people. Pehlivans are exemplary figures in the society with their attributes like generosity, honesty, adherence to traditions and customs and respectfulness. Therefore, the most chivalrous pehlivans or pehlivans that display the best peşrev are also rewarded. Pehlivans are trained in master-apprentice tradition. All the wrestlers in the festival are called ‘pehlivan’. The ultimate winner of the Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is called Chief Pehlivan of Turkey and he carries the golden belt for one year’s period. The wrestler, who becomes chief pehlivan for three consecutive years, also becomes the owner of the golden belt. Kırkpınar Aga Concept of aga is one of the most fundamental elements of Kırkpınar Oil-Wrestling. The concept of Aga is regarded as an institutional identity. As pehlivans, agas are also considered as exemplary figures in the society who adhere to traditions. Kırkpınar Aga is officially recognized by the state and thus a car with a red plate (a type of official plate) written Kırkpınar Aga on is specifically allocated to the Aga. This red plate is valid at least for one year during the period of Agalık. Following the festival opening, agalık for next year is announced. The one who offers to make the highest financial contribution to cover the festival costs is designated as Kırkpınar Aga for the next year. This tradition is one of the most important elements as regards to the sustainability of the festival. Kırkpınar Aga is the main sponsor of the festival events. Cazgır Also known as salavatçıs, cazgırs introduce all the pehlivans to the audience citing their names, titles, skills in verse format and through prayers and they start the match. They are also supposed to introduce the opponents to each other after the pairing up, praying and informing both sides about the strong points each opponent has with advices. They need to have a fine strong voice and be able to improvise prayers in verse. Cazgırs strive to maintain unity within the field and bring the pehlivans together in a common spirit. Their talks inspire and excite the people around. They utter prayers called salavat in a musical style which catalyzes the enthusiasm of the participants. Cargırs are acknowledged as a profession and they come from a master-apprentice tradition. Davul - Zurna players As another essential element of oil wrestling festival, davul-zurna players are trained in masterapprentice tradition. Kırkpınar music which is known as pehlivan tunes is played exclusively in this festival. A group of 40 davul-zurna players perform during the festival. In Edirne, three different associations have been established to perform musical pieces for Kırkpınar Festival. During the festival, davul-zurna band performs in traditional dresses. Instruments of Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling ▶Kıspet Kıspet is the basic outfit of a pehlivan. They are a kind of thick trousers made of water buffalo or cow leather. Currently, kıspet is tailored by a limited number of masters in Çanakkale and Samsun provinces. ▶Zembil Zembil, a traditional handcraft, which is a hand-made instrument produced on a special reed workbench. Zembil is only made and used for carrying the kıspet. ▶Red Bottomed Candle This candle is the official symbol of invitation for Kırkpınar. In the past these candles were hung in coffee houses of towns and villages to indicate the townsfolk were invited to the Kırkpınar.

Turkey 2010

China is the birthplace of Movable-Type Printing. In the middle of the 11th century, Bisheng invented Movable-Type Printing with clay characters. Later in the mid-12th century, Buddhist Sutra was printed with Wooden Movable-Type Printing in Western Xia Dynasty. Later, characters made of bronze and tin appeared. In the late 13th century, Wooden Movable-Type Printing became prevalent in eastern Zhejiang province and southern Anhui province, with which to print various books and genealogies of families and clans. According to the genealogical records of Wang Chaohui, one of the representative bearers of the Movable-Type Printing technique, as early as in the beginning of the 14th century his ancestor Wang Famao began compiling and printing genealogies for local people. From then on, this printing craftsmanship has been handed down by words of mouth from generations to generations through the family ties. From the relevant historical written records and the genealogies printed with Wooden characters preserved in the family for hundreds of years, we can learn that this printing technique has been inherited in Wang’s family continuously in 25 generations for nearly 700 years. In history, Wenzhou and its neighbouring areas of southeast Zhejiang province and northern Fujian province were typical immigrant society. According to the statistics of ‘Drafts of the General History of Zhejiang Recompiled’ of Republic of China, 141 clans had immigrated to Rui’an since the 10th century A.D. Referring to the 2003 issue of ‘Chronicles of Rui’an’, of presently 209 surnames in modern Rui’an, 178 are immigrated from other places. Wenzhou is also famous for its overseas Chinese population. At present, it has more than 430000 overseas Chinese all over the world. Consequently, whatever the origin, whether they were immigrated in past times, or in modern times, or emigrated abroad in all corners of the world, the people of Rui’an are affectionately attached to their homeland and have a strong traditional feeling of clans to find the roots of the families and ancestors. There is a tradition in families of the same clan living together, i.e., recompiling the genealogy of the clan to ensure that the blood lineage and family attribution can be traced no matter where the family members are. Because Wooden Movable-Type Printing is suitable for people working manually in a family, most importantly, with other factors such as easy to use, low in price, and strong traditional cultural concept, which makes it possible for the technique to be preserved and used till now. The above description demonstrates that even in face of today’s ever-developing modern printing, the traditional hand-operated printing technique can also have a certain market share, which ensures the technique to be passed on in Wang’s family from generations to generations. Up to December 2009, 11 major bearers of the Wooden Movable-Type Printing technique have been confirmed through general investigation. They are: Wang Chaohui, male, 55 (1955-12-28～), Lin Chuyin, male, 72 (1938-04-08～), Wang Chuanqiao, male, 54 (1956-08-12～), Wang Haiqiu, male, 54 (1956-02-25～), Wang Zhiren, male, 53 (1957-12-02～), Wu Kuizhao, male, 48 (1962-01-14～), Zhang Yishuo, male, 57 (1953-07-07～), Wang Chaohua, male, 56 (1954-08-16～), Pan Lijie, male, 53 (1957-07-18～), Pan Chaoliang, male, 57 (1953-09-03～), Wang Chaoxi, male, 52 (1958-08-12～), All of them have possessed a whole set of Wooden engraved Chinese characters. They complete the printing task entrusted by the clans in groups formed by either family members, relatives, or master-apprentices. In the division of labour, the representative bearer is responsible for undertaking orders and managing business. In general, men do the work of engraving characters, typesetting and printing which require higher level of techniques, while women do the work of page separating, binding, etc.

China 2010

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011