‘Sada Shin Noh’ is a performing art expressed by the people’s dance-like movements to musical instruments such as drums to re-enact the power of the deity with which the people are blessed. It is always performed on September 24th and 25th every year on a special stage, called Gakuden, constructed within the precincts of the Sada Shrine which is the tutelary presence of the community. During these two days at Sada Shrine, people replace the rush mats, called Goza, with new mats on which the deities seat themselves. The replacement re-enacts the deities’ power. During the performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, a ritual dancer performs with Goza in his hand. The Goza are purified by this dance. People consider that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is indispensable to the re-enactment of the deities’ power. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is also performed at other neighbouring shrines, whenever requested. The repertoire, choreography and music in ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are traditionally fixed. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is accompanied by flute music, three types of drums and singing. The players sit down around the stage, and the dancers perform at the centre of the stage. The repertoire performed in this performing art is classified into three categories. The first seven numbers belong to Category I. The performers do not wear masks, and perform the ritual dances with swords, holy wooden sticks, and bells in hand, depending on the number. In the ritual dance, Gozamai, the dancers perform with the rush mats for the deities in their hands in order to purify them before serving them to the deities. Category II has the three ritual dances performed with a mask of an old man. It is said that these dances were performed in Kyoto in the early seventeenth century. Category III has twelve numbers called Shin Noh which are performed with a mask of a deity. Japanese myths are depicted through these dances. This composition of dances is a typical example of Japanese performing arts. However, the main feature of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is the dance of purification of the deities’ seats. People believe that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ should be regularly performed in order to re-enact the power of the tutelary deities in the community. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is natural and nothing special in the daily lives of the people around Sada Shrine who share the worship. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is an interaction between people and the deities that supports and guarantees a rich and peaceful future for the people, their families, and the community, making the social and cultural functions of “Sada Shin Noh” significant. The people who worship Sada Shrine as a tutelary presence are eager to transmit ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They have practiced diligently to acquire the skills needed for their performances, and have been publicly approved by the people of the community. Those who are in charge of the transmission of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are first, the members of the Association for the Preservation of Sada Shin Noh. They are ordinary citizens engaged in respective jobs, but they practice regularly and have acquired the traditional performance formula. They bear a direct responsibility to perform it in a traditional style in public. Second are Shinto priests, who maintain the Sada Shrine. They have the responsibility of offering the opportunity and place for the public performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’. Third are people inside and outside the community, who consider it necessary to continue transmitting ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They appreciate the public performances of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, and make financial contributions to the Shrine and the Association from time to time. The people of the community have long regarded ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as an important performing art. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the National Government in 1976, it has been widely recognized in Japan as an important element of the Japanese cultural heritage that indicates the transition of the Japanese lifestyle. The transmitting group and community consider ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as one of their own distinctive cultures of which they are proud. By transmitting and performing it in public, it offers them an opportunity to renew a sense of identity with the community and society, thus contributing to its continuity.

Japan 2011

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

Jimzo is a traditional art of forming religious images. Jim means "clay" and Zo means "art", literally "clay art". In Bhutan, it can be traced back to the 7th century, to the time of Tibetan King Songtsen Gampo (569–649?), who is believed to have built 108 Lhakhangs (temples), under which the pioneering Buddhist temples such as Kichu and Jampa Lhakhangs were built. Various clay paintings from different centuries, beginning with the time of Guru Rinpoche, attest to the existence of clay art in Bhutan much earlier. In the time of Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), this art became popular. Towards the end of the 17th century, the art was codified and included by the fourth Desi (temporary ruler) Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye (1638–1696), as one of the thirteen arts and crafts of Bhutan. Later, at the time of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) in the 17th century, a very skilled sculptor named Trulku Dzing was invited to Bhutan. Trulku Dzing erected numerous clay figures in Punakha and Wangduephodrang Dzong. The art was later codified and included as one of the thirteen traditional arts and crafts of Bhutan by the 4th Druk Desi (temporary ruler) Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye in the late 17th century. Since then the art of sculpting has been maintained and passed from teacher to students over many generations until today. Bhutanese jim zop (sculptors) are known for the quality and intricacy of creating delicate clay sculptures. They practice sculpting as a pious act since it is based on the iconographic principles of Buddhist art. It is very important to adhere to the rules that prescribe the precise measurement of the body structure in relation to the limbs, postures, eyes, ears, fingers and nose and the body tints, garments and ornaments. a. Religious Statues and Ritual Objects: Sculptors make clay statues, ritual objects and tsha tsha (miniature clay stupa) and clay masks worn during festivals. Numbers of exceedingly fine and intricate religious sculptures and ritual objects made of clay can be seen in every temple, monastery, and the dzongs of Bhutan. These clay sculptures vary in sizes, varying from tiny statues to over twenty feet. There are clay sculptures of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, various deities, gods, goddesses and prominent religious figures which depict the foundation of faith, worship and reverence for the Buddhists. b. Types of Clay used in Sculpting: Clay is the basic material for making sculptures. A special kind of clay can be found deposited in small quantities between mud and gravels usually in marshy areas. Sculptors use the best quality clay as the images and objects they make must stand against the change of weather for generations. Clay is processed into three different forms; tsa dam, kong dam, and jim dam. Each one is used for a specific purpose. Tsa dam is made by mixing clay powder with daesho (paper made from daphne plants) in the ratio of 7:3. If paper is not available, pulps made from the raw bark of daphne plant are used as substitute. This mixture prevents the mud from disintegrating when dried. Tsa dam is used for moulding the basic structure of the statue. Kong dam is prepared in the same way as tsa dam, but by adding more water to make the clay relatively thinner and softer. Kong dam is applied over the basic structure moulded from tsa dam to give proper shape to the statue. Generally the proprietor adds any or all of the seven precious substances (gold, silver, and turquoise, and coral, pearl, bronze and any other precious stones) to tsa dam and kong dam in order to increase the aura of the statue. Jim dam is applied as the final and finishing touch to the statue. To prepare jin dam; the clay powder is mixed with water and then stirred thoroughly until it turns into a thin paste. It is then filtered with the help of a thin cloth. The thin filtered paste is collected in a utensil and then placed on fire until the water component is evaporated. What is left in the pot is a very fine powder. This powder is then mixed with daphne papier mache to give it the binding strength which prevents the clay from cracking. This mixture is again mixed with water and stirred and applied to give the final touches to the statue. c. Process of Clay Sculpting: Clay sculpting process starts with the measurement of the space available where the statue will be kept later, or the size required by the owner/sponsor. Accordingly, the basic structural frame is made by using copper wires for smaller statues, iron or steel rods for bigger statues as support. Steel rods are wrapped with copper wire to add the value of the object. Gold and silver wires are considered the best to make the basic frame. The frame is added with tsa dam while the internal part is left hollow for zung to be inserted later. When the tsa dam on the structure dries perfectly, kong dam is applied over it to give all the external physical features, forms and the attires. The parts such as hands and head are made separately and attached later to the body for smaller statues, though the head of bigger statues are made directly with the statue. The sculptor must ensure that the parts made separately are proportionate to the whole structure. Any part of the statue that is not proportionate to the whole body is considered an impious act of the sculptor and therefore must be avoided at all cost. Sculpting is a tedious job, requiring the sculptor to apply the wooden chisel again and again to fill any gaps or remove the lumps over and over again. The statues are left for a long time to allow the clay to dry naturally, and to develop minor cracks which are also left unrepaired to allow air to pass for rapid drying. When no more cracks appear, it means the clay has dried up completely. The cracks are then repaired with tsa dam by mixing with glue. Once this is done, the sculptures are ready for final layers of finishing using jin dam. At this stage the sculpture is finally ready for zung (the inner relic). Learners have to undergo rigorous training for several years under a master sculptor known as Jimzo lopoen. As sculpting for religious purpose is considered a spiritual act, sculptors have to choose the most auspicious day and time to start a project. Once completed, an expert (usually a monk) will insert a zung shing or sog shing (a strut inside the statue as its backbone) and zung consisting of written mantras and other precious substances. Then the statue is painted using appropriate colours. Upon completion of all these steps, a drub or rabney ceremony is conducted by an accomplished lama. The painters and sculptors are highly regarded for their profession.

The construction of traditional Chinese timber-framed structures uses wood as the most important building material, with the structural carpentry as its foundation while containing other major divisions of work including the decorative carpentry, tile roofing, stone work, decorative painting, etc. The major wooden components, which consist of column, beam, purlin, lintel and bracket set, form the load-bearing frame for the whole structure. Two main types of framwork were developed as early as the 2nd century BCE. (Han dynasty), one is post-and-lintel, the other column-and-tie-beam. The wooden components are connected by tenon joints, which adds to the flexibility of the structure and improves its earthquake-resistent quality. Since the wooden components can be manufactured beforehand and installed on the spot, it can also significantly shorten the construction period.

China 2009

Glazed tile and ceramic household stuffs or wallboards of several colours and motifs made by firing the pulped clay soil are called “çini”. Çini-making means the craftsmanship shaped around traditional Turkish art of çini since 12th century with its own specific production and adornment techniques like “minai”, “luster”, “polishing”, “underglaze”. Çini craftspeople generally have used “underglaze technique” since 16th century in their production pursuant to the prescriptions they prepare with their traditional production knowledge about nature. In this technique clay is pulped. Having shaped, the clay is lined and dried. Next, it is fired in çini ovens smooth surface called “biscuit” appears. Patterns prepared by drilling on the paper with openwork technique are transformed to the surface with coal dust and the outer contours are drawn by hand with black paint and brush. Later, patterns are dyed with dyes prepared according to the prescription. The surface of çini is covered with glaze and after it is fired at 900-940°C the çini-making is completed. Among çini adornments generally geometric shapes, plants and animal figures symbolizing cosmic thoughts and beliefs are used in different colours. Using red, cobalt blue, turquoise and green on white or navy blue background is the characteristic feature of traditional çinis. The basic element that characterizes the art of çini is traditional craftsmanship manifested in the applications and the knowledge transmitted from generations to generations about the supply of the raw material, preparation of dyes, production and usage of the tools, firing process, adornment techniques and aesthetics.

Turkey 2016

Repairment of the wooden plates, spoons, ceramic and porcelain teapots, bowls, cups with glue, panel, and nails.

Gar-zo (Blacksmith/iron craft) is one of the Bhutan's 13 traditional crafts and is considered as one of the earliest crafts/arts of the Bhutanese people. It is believed that it was introduced by a Tibetan saint known as Dupthob Thangtong Gyalpo in the 14th Century. He is revered by the Bhutanese people as a master engineer for his skill in casting iron chains and erecting them as bridges over gorges. He is supposed to have built eight suspension bridges in Bhutan. One can still see one of the bridges crossing over the Paro Chu, on the road from Paro to Thimphu, and linking the highway to the famous Tachog lhakhang (temple). The remains of another bridge can be viewed at the National Museum in Paro. However, J. LaRocca,D (2006) in his book mentioned that Dupthob Thangthong Gyalpo came to Bhutan for the first time in 1433-44 to gather the iron ore to build bridges in Tibet. The iron he collected was forged into 7000 links by a team of 18 blacksmiths from five villages near Paro, one of the village was Woochu where the art is still practiced today. It was believed that Thangthong Gyalpo distributed 18 anvils as a token of gratitude among the blacksmiths gathered and blessed them to earn their livelihood and flourish the craft. The donation of iron chain links to Dupthob was an evidence that the people of Woochu practiced the iron craft way before Thangthong Gyalpo’s visit. Unfortunately there are no records and even the oldest living master blacksmith had nothing to substantiate on this matter. There were many places in Bhutan that manufactured iron handicrafts before but with passing time the art and skills faded and only few places are still practicing it today, one of it being Woochu. The origin of black smithy in Woochu is lost in antiquity. There are no records or documents to trace the origin of the art. However, oral accounts of some elderly people posits that the art might have started out of necessity. Before Woochu was known for its famous blades, it manufactured agricultural tools that were used by the locals. Moreover, recent findings showed that a large forging took place near the place where the iron formation was found. Gaw (Blacksmith) Phajo also believes that the founding of black smithy will not be possible without the iron ore. So he supports the idea of the foundation of black smithy due to the iron ore that was found in the area. The blacksmiths of Woochu manufactured and repaired agriculture tools for the locals before it became known for the famous Woochu blades. Woochu blades are very popular and are known for their tensile strength and durability. There were only three iron craftsmen with traditional knowledge and skills before, all are officially retired now. Blacksmithing, a traditional craftsmanship handed down for several hundred years, was on the verge of extinction. With not many blacksmiths remaining and even lesser apprentices showing interest in learning the skill. Those who used to practice the trade has died and some were retired. The younger generations seemed disinterested in taking up the art. Initially the blacksmiths in the area took up the art as part of earning daily wage. It was like any other job that fetched money. Moreover, the job of a blacksmith was physically tiring, and the social stigma that the trade carried was perhaps another reason why it has failed to attract the attention of the younger generations in the community. The blacksmiths were looked down in the community. The art of crafting fine Bhutanese swords was on the decline. In 2016, His Majesty the King commanded for a training center to be set up in Woochu to revive the dying art. Reviving the centuries-old trade was challenging but not impossible. Royal Metal Craft Center (RMCC) was an intervention aimed at reviving and promoting dying crafts and reinstating it as a source of livelihood. The center is now established and works are underway to further develop it.

It is said that besides the naked dance performed during Jampa Lhakhang Drub, there are also naked dances performed during Nabji Drub in Trongsa and Sakteng Tercham, Trashigang and in Dagana. The naked dance is honorifically referred to as a “tercham” a term usually applied to dances revealed as treasure. Just as any sacred ter (treasure or precious object) is not exposed freely to the public so also our nakedness is never exposed publicly. So the dance performed naked and exposing the genitals is exceptional and hence considered tercham or the “revealed treasure dance”. According to the book Invoking Happiness, the dance has its origins during the construction of Jampa Lhakhang, when local spirits disrupted the process45. The story recounts that King Songtsen Gampo manifested himself in the form of several people dancing naked, which fascinated the troublesome spirits. As they remained preoccupied by the dancers, the temple construction was completed and consecrated. According to Chagkhar Lama Dorje, Dorje Lingpa introduced the dance at Nabji, Trongsa. One oral account maintains that when Dorje Lingpa was constructing Nabji Lhakhang, local spirits were disrupting the process every night. In order to distract the spirits, Dorje Lingpa used his miraculous power to summon naked people from the Treasure Cliff located opposite of Nabji Lhakhang. He made them dance, and antics kept the spirits spellbound enough so that Dorje Lingpa was able to complete the temple and consecrate it. Thus, according to this account, the tercham was first performed at Nabji under the supervision of Dorje Lingpa. When Dorje Lingpa later renovated Jampa Lhakhang, the dance was performed during the initial consecration ceremony and is said to have been enacted every year since. At Jampa Lhakhang Drub, tercham is performed each of the first three nights. The performers are chosen from the five villages of Drub Tsawa: Chagkhar, Jampa Lhakhang, Changwang, Nasphey and Nobgang. After the normal mask dance performances are concluded, a crowd gathers around midnight at the performance ground in the outer courtyard of the western side of Jampa Lhakhang. Shortly after midnight, a group of ten men emerge from the chamkhang (room for dance preparations) and dance to the rhythmic beating of traditional mask dance drums and cymbals. The men are all naked except for their faces, which are covered by a white cloth to conceal their identities. The last man, who is the dance master, wears shorts. The group dances around a bonfire located in the middle of the performance ground, sometimes acting outrageously towards the spectators. The dance lasts for an hour despite the cold, which drops to around one to two degrees Celsius. Photos or any type of recording is strictly prohibited, as is the use of torches. Policemen and village locals guard the integrity of the performance, and deal harshly with anyone who attempts to break the stringent rules. Chagkhar Lama Dorje describes the dance as most sacred and says that spectators should not look at the dancer’s genitals as just male organs. As the male genitals are never exposed publicly, it is one of the world’s precious ter. All sentient beings are brought into the world, in part, by this organ. Local elders explain that though the younger generation may find the dance funny, it was started by the great saint Dorje Lingpa, and therefore one should view events with devotion rather than as entertainment. In the recent past, the dance was banned by the Dzongkhag Administration, who deemed it vulgar and embarrassing. Once banned, there was abnormally heavy rainfall and hail, and the Drub could not be properly conducted. Local astrologers attributed downpours and bad weather to the tercham ban. The local people conducted kangsol rituals to repair the relationship with the protective deities and the Dzongkhag Administration lifted the ban the following year.

"Trud" Dance is originated in rural communities and is now only found in Siem Reap and some villages of Battambang adjacent to Siem Reap. "Trud" in Sanskrit means “The act of cutting, detachment) The locals play this dance only during the Khmer New Year, in the sense of cutting off the old year to move on to the new year, as well as expelling evil spirits in order to get good fortune. However, during the dry season, this dance is also performed to pray for rainfall. In addition, the importance of playing this dance is to raise funds to build and repair communal infrastructures in the community, especially in the pagoda, which is not for personal gain. This dance can be joined by more or fewer dancers according to the preferences of the village or the number of volunteers. The equipment also depends on the number of dancers. The equipment is also doubled as the props and accompaniment to the dance. The complete Trud Dance can consist of instruments such as: Kanh Chhe (bamboo mast with bells on top), Changkrang Dombe, ChangKrang Rong, Sko Arak (hand drum), Bei Pok (flute), Tro Ou, Tro Sor (bowed strings) and Dang Santuch or Dang Doy (pulling bar of an ox cart) attached with an open bag for retrieving the donations. The main accessories for the Trud Dance are clown masks and crowns made of paper mache and lacquer, real deer and banteng antlers or artificial antlers made of paper mache, peacock feathers,s and fake long nails made of rattan. When performing, there are two or three priests leading the group and holding a fundraising bowl, and giving blessings to those who Donate. If it is played in rain asking ritual, the priest who leads the ceremony is called “Dangkhao”. The lyrics are not the same, it depends on the preference of the group or the village because some lyrics can be created immediately according to the actual situation in order to convince the donor to give more donations. But the interesting thing is that most of the "songs" contain 4 syllables in each line. 6 The following are some excerpts from the lyrics in the document of Samdech Preah Vanroth Iv Tuot, Chief of Monk from Battambang Province: Lyrics on arrival at the ceremonial ground I arrive outside your gate, calling out to you. My respected master Can I come inside? (Vocalizing) oh na neang na Can I come inside? Permit or not, Please let us know. We can come in or not, Please quickly tell us. (Vocalizing) oh na neang na Please quickly tell us. Fellow team! Fellow team! That the fire is lit Means that we are welcomed. (Vocalizing) oh na neang na Means that we are welcomed. Lyrics when asking for alms This Trud is not from here. This Trud is not from here. The master ordered us That we came here to play. (Vocalizing) oh na neang na That we came here to play. Big house with sculptures Stair steps made of silver Suiting his wealth (Vocalizing) oh na neang na sa ra mom bong. Lyrics when collecting the scattered alms Some hide, some throw, Some scoop up, Don’t talk, lads! Catch the money quietly (Vocalizing) Yeur chhai nao nao neang nan a na oun euy. Lyrics to bless the givers Fellow team! His silk and thread He gave us all We shall bless him. To have a son She weaves silk to bless regularly Officials He gave us all To get a mouthful for a daughter Soup for money. We bless him. Children as well. Sculpture land. Before performing, people prepare an offering for Lord Vishvakarman and the spirits of the land and nature. Then the priest ties holy thread to the wrists of the dancers and puts on the masks and horns for the performers. Mr. Pol Sam Oeun researched this dance in Battambang province and choreographed it as a performance on stage and performed for the first time by Mr. Meas Kok, who was the first singer to hold the Dang Santuch, and the following performers: Mr. Ros Lon, Mr. Meas Sam El, Ms. Mom Hoy, Mrs. Sieng Sivhun, Mrs. Kaing Steng, Mrs. Ok Leung, Mr. Hing Tim, Mr. Moeung Chandara, Mr. Kong Samith, Mr. Pen Lon, Mr. Put Lon, Mr. Suon Sareth, Mr. Eam Sean, Mr. Pen Yet. The dance ceased to be performed in 1975 and resumed in December 1979. Today, Trud Dance is very popular because during the period before the New Year. It is performed in government institutions, companies, or private houses to ward off evil spirits and bring prosperity.