Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

In 1995, the Sub-commission on Cultural Communities and Traditional Arts of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) – the lead agency mandated to preserve, promote and develop Philippine culture and the arts – affirmed the need to safeguard traditional knowledge and practices from rapid cultural devaluation brought about by media, tourism, formal education and religion. This paved the way for the creation of The School of Living Traditions (SLT) programme, involving informal, community-managed learning centres where practitioners can transmit their communities’ knowledge, intangible cultural heritage, skills and values to younger generations. The identification of priorities for safeguarding was led by elders, leaders and other members of communities through a series of consultations. In the process, the NCCA provided capacity-building assistance for the mobilization of logistics and other resources needed to establish the learning centres. The SLT programme aims to develop, implement and evaluate community-based measures to safeguard vital traditional cultural knowledge and practices from the potential negative effects of modernization.

Philippines 2021

Yig-par koni is an adverb that means engraving of scripts which is the art of Xylography, one of the indigenous craftsmanship art of Bhutan. Script engraving is done using special wood locally called Tag-pa shing (Birch: Betula utilis) that flourishes at altitudes varying from 3000 to 4200 meters above sea level. Tag-pa shing can be easily identified by its bark that has a mix red and pink and brown colours alternatively across the trunk like that of a tiger’s skin thus got its name. The art is considered as one of the religious craftsmanship since its significance, production and usage are all connected to spiritualistic believes and purpose. In Bhutan, the presence of skills for making woodblock prints are seen in temples, monasteries and Dzongs (fortress) every part of the country in the form of biographies, excellent teachings of the Buddha printed from woodblocks. The earliest biography is that of Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), as prophesied by Guru Padmasambava, the epitome of the Secret Teachings of Tantric Buddhism. Terton Pema Lingpa was the last reincarnate of Princess Pema Sal (?), daughter of King Thrisong Deutsan of Tibet. Owing to the propensity of his previous lives, the Terton knew craft works without training, and dedicating his skills to ensure the continuity of the Buddha’s teachings, had made uncountable number woodblocks, available in the monasteries established by the Terton himself and by his sons as well as in the house of a number of his patrons that can be seen even today. Moreover, Thugse Dawa Gyaltshan (1499-1586), the son of Pema Lingpa, had also engraved as many as 614 woodblocks for the collected works and autobiography in memory of his father which is still preserved at the sacred place of Kunzang Drag, Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). After Terton Pema Lingpa and his heart son Thugse Dawa Gyaltshen had started the tradition of woodblock print, Choje Ngagwang Tenzin (1522-1590), the reincarnate of Gartoen who was the son of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo, engraved the biography of Phajo Drugom in about 1570 (C.E). Then, in the 17th century Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, having satisfactorily completed all the activities related to the dual system and before he went into the final retreat (i.e. parinirvana), initiated a project to engrave the collected works of the omniscient Pema Karpo (1527-1592) and all the essential ones and its prints are distributed them to all the monasteries and sangha communities as dharma donations. He created of the seat of Je Khenpo as the overall head of sangha monasteries and ecclesiastical affairs and that of Desi, who functioned as the secular head of the country. He had also appointed officials to fit these high-ranking positions. The successive Je Khenpo and Desis ensured the practice, manage and spread of the teachings and the good system of administration, by engraving unlimited number of woodblocks prints in their respective areas which can be seen still today in all the historical monuments. However, due to the advancement of printing technologies, the National Library & Archives of Bhutan is the only institution that is upholding the xylography art in the country while the practice is turned its form to an oral account.

The Art of Calligraphy and writing is not only the fundamental need of academic knowledge but it is also an essential skill required preserving and promoting religious teachings. It not only requires academic intellects but most important the hand-skill of calligraphy. The origin of the calligraphy as per Lam (Spiritual master) Ugyen Tenzin Yoezer, popularly known as Lopen Nado, who was then the Advisor to the Department of Education on Dzongkha Development in Bhutan says that, there was a natural system of using words and phrases in oral communications such as conversations, discussions, and official announcements, consistent with the general practice. Development of the system of communication through the writing of letters and documentation had not been widespread. During the second visit of Guru Padmasambhava to Bumthang was in the 8th century, he was accompanied by one of his 25 principal disciples’ names Denmang Tsemang. At that time Guru Padmasambava gave the sacred teachings of the Secret Mantra to the King Sindhu Raja, but it was said that there was no system of writing in the country that time. So, it was Denma Tsemang who transcribed the transmitted teachings for the King’s practices and thus the beginning of the tradition of writing in Bhutan. Thereafter in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) transmitted the writing tradition to his heirs until the dawn of 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) established the State Government by initiating the Monastic Body where the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) was particularly set for the monks to impart and learn art of calligraphy. It was necessary not only or writing and learning for oneself but, for the woodblock engraving projects that was thriving in Punakha Dzong initiated mainly for the flourishment of the Buddhist teaching in the country. Later, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs until now. Some of the remarkable calligraphers that are enlisted in the Bhutanese history were; 1.\tDenma Tsemang 9th century 2.\tNgawang Penjor as Dzongpon and Ngedup Penjor (1964) 3.\tDrungyig Zimchenpa Tandin Wanggyel 17th century 4.\tLopen Wangdue 17th century 5.\tLopen Phuentso 17th century 6.\tTshewang Dorji 17th century 7.\tLopen Gangchen, also called Kuenga Pelden, 19th century during the reign of Desi Jigma Namgyal (1825-1881) 8.\tDrungyig Tshewang Ngodrup, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck (1862–1926) 9.\tGonpo Tenzin from Lingzhi, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck 10.\tZhongar Dzongpon Kuenzang Wangdue, 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 11.\tDrungyig Tsowo Dasho Kezang Dawa, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 12.\tTangbi Kezang, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 13.\tUra Yeshey Wangdi, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 14.\tSonam Peljor, 15.\tDasho Gaydon Thinley Dorji (?) 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd and 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1929–1972) 16.\tDasho Shingkhar Lam Kuenzang Wangchuk (?) 17.\tSey Dopola Aka Dasho Phuntsho Wangdi (1892-1953) 18.\tLam Norbu Wangchuk (?), 21st century during the reign of His Majesty the 4th King Jigme Singye Wangchuck (1955–) 19.\tYarab Aja Lama Drodul Zhenphen Dorji Tenzin (1921-2005) 20.\tLam Pema Tshewang, (1926-2009), 21.\tLopen Gonpo Tenzin from Chumey, Bumthang 22.\tLam Nado from Namgyal Dratshang (?) 23.\tDasho Tenzin Dorji (1928-2012) 24.\tLam Tenzin from Ramjar, Tashi Yangtse 25.\tChabje Geshey Gedhun Rinchen (1926-1997) 26.\tChabje Khenchen Ngawang Tenzin Doendup, 68th Je Khenpo (1925-2020) 27.\tLopen Daupo from Bartsham 28.\tLam Kuenzang Wangdi (aka Lam Nyingkhula) 29.\tLopen Yonten Gyaltshen, Central Monastic Body 30.\tDasho Sangay Wangchuk Generally, there are five types of calligraphy writing; U-chen (Block script), U-mey (Headless script), Len-tsa (Rajana script), War-tu (a type of Indian script) and finally the Jog-yig (the typical Bhutanese script). Amongst these scripts, Len-tsa and War-tu scripts are mainly used as decorative scripts, while U-chen is more common in writing Buddhist canons, ritual scripts and even for the formal corresponding letters and Jog-yig script is just for writing formal records and corresponding letters. Regarding U-mey script, though it is rare to its usage bring a Tibetan script but there are some calligraphers knowing how to write. However, the tradition of writing i.e. Calligraphy has been greatly hampered and left on the verge of dying tradition due to the emergence of computer technology and available fonts in the country. Yet, there are still well known and skilled calligraphers which are mostly used by His Majesty’s Kangyur Project for writing Golden Scriptures of Buddhist Canon and even by some individual Spiritual masters which have helped in reviving and revitalizing the art in the country.

Indonesian Batik is a traditional hand-crafted textile rich in intangible cultural values, passed down for generations in Java and elsewhere since early 19th Century, made by applying dots and lines in hot wax to cloth using a canthing tulis pen or canthing cap stamp, as a dye-resist. Patterns and motifs have deep symbolism related to social status, local community, nature, history and cultural heritage. The batik community noted the younger generation’s interest in batik is waning, and felt the need to increase efforts to transmit batik cultural heritage to guarantee its safeguarding. Thus, the following is arranged. The program is collaboration between the Batik Museum and elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic, to include education in batik cultural values and traditional handcraft in curricula as local content or subject. The project has gone on for 3 years, and continues to expand to Pekalongan District and neighbouring Batang, Pemalang and Tegal districts. Data and interviews with headmasters, teachers and students prove that the programme is popular and successful. The project is a good example of transmission of intangible cultural values to the younger generations by including modules of cultural heritage in the curricula of educational institutions. The main objectives of the programme are: To increase the awareness and appreciation of the cultural heritage of Indonesian batik, including its history, cultural values and traditional skills, among the younger generation at elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic educational strata. To increase the awareness of headmasters, teachers, parents and the batik community in Pelaongan, regarding the importance of transmission of batik culture to the younger generations. To involve the management and staff of the Batik Museum in educational activities for students and the general public regarding batik cultural values and training in batik traditional handcraft. The priorities of the programme are: To train staff of the Museum for teaching batik history, cultural values and traditional handcrafts to students. To prepare and distribute proposal invitations to headmasters, so that they would send their students to participate in the programme. To train school teachers to become trainers in batik local content (training of trainers), and/or to place batik craftspersons in schools to give education and training in batik. To organize tests for students participating in the programme, to evaluate the results of the transmission of batik culture

Indonesia 2009

Hua’er has been one of performing arts of folk songs in Gansu, Qinghai and Ningxia of China for over 600 years long since Ming dynasty. Hua’er is a folk song created by nine ethnic groups, such as Han, Hui, Tibetan, Tu, Mongol, Dongxiang, Salar, Bonan, Yugur, and each nationality shares it with others. It is an important artistic form of cultural exchange, emotional communication among nationalities, which is only folk song of its kind created and performed by multi-nationalities in China. Hua’er’s music has been drawn its inspiration from ethnic and traditional music, it has more than 100 tunes. Their titles are called so-and-so ling, just according to the names of nationality, town or flower, such as Dongxiang ling, Tu People ling, Hezhou ling, White Peony ling etc. Hua’er’s music is based on five notes of pentatonic scale, high in tune, wide in range, free rhyme and rich expression. The libretto of Hua’er is improvised by folk singers under a certain formula, each has 3,4,5 or 6 lines, each line consists of 7 characters, it has their own metre. Its content involves daily life of farmer, and richer in love. The forms of performance of Hua’er could be solo, duet, and group competition. More than 100 traditional Hua’er folk festivals are held in Gansu and Qinghai once a year with their own time and venues, which is important place to show folk singers talents. Hua’er, as folk song of local nationalities handed down from one generation to another, is an important tool to express people’s mind and feelings with unique social function and cultural function. “Singing my dresses, singing happiness in my heart”, “one song after another, the more songs I sing and the younger I am”, these librettos play a role to shake off their weariness and depression in the heart of singers. “Singing one by one, just for my sweetheart”, these show Hua’er is a tool of love between young man and young woman. Folk singers are low educated farmers and herdsmen, they are practitioners of Hua’er, and also spokesmen of common people. Their improvisation and performance play a part of “time mirror” with expression of the people’s voice. For instance, “Wife’s having hair dyed, daughter wants her hair in a bob, mama is having hair permed, all wants to follow the fashion, and I will pay for that.” This Hua’er says the huge change and pleased heart of farmers’ life in countryside of the northwest of China, this is also vivid oral record of social progress in China. For the reason that Hua’er Folk Festival in Gansu and Qinghai has been included into the list of China Intangible Cultural Heritage, a large number of excellent singers were put into representative list of China Intangible Cultural Heritage Practitioner, this drew much attention to Hua’er, and increased the sense of Hua’er identity and continuity. The folk singers and persons in charge of cultural communities and cultural centers realized the importance of protecting Hua’er.

China 2009

The Saman dance is cultural heritage of the Gayo people traceable to the 13th century, developed later by Syeh Saman incorporating religious messages. Saman is performed by boys and young men, always in odd numbers, sitting on their heels or kneeling in tight rows. The players wear black costumes embroidered with colourful Gayo motifs, symbolizing nature and noble values. The trainer or leader, called penangkat sits in the middle of the line and leads singing of verses containing messages about tradition, development, religion, advice, sarcasm, humor and even romance. Players clap their hands, slap their chests, thighs and the ground, click their fingers, sway and twist their bodies and heads forward and backward, left and right, synchronizing with the rhythm, sometimes slow, sometimes fast and energetic, in unison or with alternate dancers making opposite moves. Saman movements symbolize nature, the environment, and daily lives of Gayo people. Villages invite each other for Saman competitions to build friendly relationships. Saman is performed to celebrate national and religious holidays, and is a game among village children, who learn it informally. The frequency of Saman performances and transmission are decreasing, despite community and government efforts. Therefore safeguarding is urgently needed. A Saman performance consists of 7 parts, called: Rengum, Salam, Dering, Uluni Lagu, Lagu, Anak ni Lagu, and Lagu Penutup (closing song). According to other sources, there are 9 parts: Keketar (introduction), Rengum, Salam, Gerakan Tari, Anak ni Lagu, Saur, Syair, Guncang and Penutup, or only 4 parts.

Indonesia 2011

The traditional turkmen carpets and carpet products are the hand-woven woollen textile goods of ornamental art with quadrangular shape in different sizes with dense texture ornamented with characteristic colored patterns pertaining each separately to one of five main turkmen tribes (tekke, yomut, ersary, saryk and salor). Their designs form patterns from clear linear geometric ornaments (dots, lines and figures). Compositional decision of the turkmen carpets has characteristic features: the central field with major patterns ("gels") in octagonal forms is limited with the borders, patterns which differ from that of the central field. The alternation of recurrence of designs represented with combination of the belt and centric ornamental compositions. Reality surrounding a carpet weaver (local flora, fauna and environment) has been reflected in a combination of the threads, pictures and colours creating carpet designs. The turkmen carpets are created on horizontal or vertical looms mainly using different coloured wool threads. Weavers use both types of knotting; double knots with double weft or one-and-a half knot with double weft. Carpets serve both as a floor covering and a wall decoration functions and substitute furniture to satisfy everyday aesthetic needs of turkmen people. There are also special carpets woven for the birth of a child, for wedding ceremonies, for prayers and for mourning rituals. Carpet products such as chuvals (sacks), khorjuns (saddle-bags), torbas (bags) are destined for clothing, transportation of various household paraphernalia and used for decorations of camels, horses, nomad tents, wedding processions etc.

Turkmenistan 2019

Inscribed in 2015 (10.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Tugging rituals and games of Vietnam have different characteristics, meanings and rules. The element is held as part of village festivals in Spring, a form for communities to pray for abundant harvests and prosperity, marking the start of a new agricultural cycle. Tugging game symbolizes the power of natural forces like the sun, water source that influence the harvests. In some localities, tugging game is associated with the legends of worshiped heroes for their merit in reclaiming the land, fighting against foreign invaders, protecting prosperous life of the people. It is usually held at the communal houses or temples after the rirual of commemoration of local guardian deities finished. The material used for tugging varies from region to region, reflecting the ecological and cultural context of each community, it can be made of bamboo, rattan stems, or ropes. The procedure for selecting teams or players is in accordance to the ritual rules, and the winning or losing team is regulated by customs to express certain religious meanings and the harmony of nature. Nowadays, tugging rituals and games are popularly known as a folk game that is entertaining, sporty and collective.

Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Viet Nam 2015

The forest worshiping ceremony of the Red Yao people is held on the 2nd day of the second lunar month every year. This is a traditional ceremony with the participation of all people in the village after they have finished planting the crop. The master of ceremonies is the main shaman and 3 assistant shamans and assistants. Early in the morning of the 2nd day, priests and representatives of households bring offerings, necessary items, firewood, and fire to the sacred forest to perform the ceremony. Everyone cleans up the place where the worship ceremony is held. After that, the priests burned incense, offered offerings, and invited the forest god and other gods to receive the offerings. Offerings include 2 black pigs (each weighing about 30 kg), 3 roosters, wine (poured into five cups), incense, and paper. The worshiping ceremony is performed twice: raw worshiping and cooked worshiping. Before worshiping, the main shaman blows the conch and takes offering books to perform the rituals. The purpose of these rituals is to worship the gods, land gods, tree gods, mountain gods, stream gods, and forest gods, praying for people to be healthy, peaceful, and lush crops, for domestic animals to grow quickly. After the worshiping ceremony, all participants will receive blessings on the spot. All regulations on the protection of forbidden forests in particular and forest protection in general are announced to everyone by the shaman and village head so that they can clearly understand and convey to family members such as not being allowed to cut down trees or build trees. housing, hunting... in forbidden forests, we must be conscious of planting trees, preventing forest fires, and developing the forest economy. The humane meaning of the festival is to help educate the community about love for nature, respect, and preservation of their own living environment.

Choe-lhag-ni is a Dzongkha (National Language) term for recitation of Buddhist scriptures especially Sanskrit Tripitaka at the various religious institutions or at the individual houses by either a monk, lay monks or by ourselves. Reading scripture is not only one a virtuous act (ge-wi-la) in accumulating merits to oneself but also helps other to arouse faith and aids in realizing the Buddhahood nature. It also a ritual (rim-dro) which helps in clearing and overcoming the obstacles and hindrance created by malicious spirits our daily activities and purifies our sins and defilements as well. While conducting Choe-lhag-ni program, the reader or the reciter is normally called Choe-neb and Choe-yon or Jin-dha for sponsors and patrons. Normally, such program can be conducted or organized as an annual program or carryout as and when there are sicknesses or can when an astrologer or a Spiritual masters either advices or make divination. This Dharma activity is always conducted in consultation with astrologer or a Spiritual masters seeking favourable elements that coincides Lha-za (spirit/vital-day) and if not possible, then on the Sog-za (life-force day) of either a sick person or the main family member. Performing on that particular day is said to be more effective and beneficial than conducting on other days which are called Gang-tong (neutral days). It is instructed and also believed not to conduct any virtuous activities be it the Recitation of Scriptures on Shey-za (bad days) as it causes harm than benefiting oneself and the patrons. As mentioned above, recitation of whole set of Tripitaka comprise two sets namely; Kan-guyr (direct word of Buddha) with 99-108 volumes and Ten-gyur (its commentaries) with 200-228 volumes is a great and enormous activity which one need huge number of readers as well as enough financial assets for an individual therefore, Institutions such as; Monastic body, government’s initiative or a joint private individuals can only organize such program intendent for wellbeing of sentient beings and particularly to the people of the country. In a rare case, out of interest, benefit the sentient beings or to enlighten oneself, an individual sometimes engage themselves in reading whole Kan-gyur volumes. Normally, Buddhist followers who want to clear the unforeseen obstacles, ward off illnesses, counterforce mishaps and sometimes as a routine basis reads mostly either 16 volumes of Skt. Prajnaparamita (Perfection of wisdom Sutras) and more often the single volume called Do-mang or Zung-due, where there is numerous collection of important Buddhist texts. Reciters or readers can be a person or more depending on the sponsor’s wish nevertheless, often if the recitation is not in haste or an emergency then, a person will stay in the sponsor’s house until the completion of the scripture. But, in case a ritual of a sick person and have limited time, the patron will invite numbers of Reciters as to complete the whole set in a day. The tradition of reading Buddhist scriptures for wellbeing and performing meritorious deeds had been common from the days of Buddha Shakyamuni in India. Having translated these teachings translated into Tibetan as early as 7th century and thereafter, introduced the tradition of reading them. Later in the 8th century, when King Thrisong Detsan (755-797 or 804) was having the Indian Dharma translated into Tibetan, the translator Ba Ratna Manju (?) was translating the greater Prajnaparamita Sutra. In his dream, he saw the entire land of Tibet was filled with the scripture of Prajnaparamita. This was an omen that there would be purely Mahayana practitioners born in the land of Tibet. When looking at the Prajna of hearing and contemplating in the mountainous land of Tibet, though training was done in all the schools, the experiences in Drub-jue sing-ta-gyed (Eight Chariots of Practice Lineage) in all the four Schools of Dharma Tradition are essentially Mahayana, and particularly the practice in the Sa-ngag (Secret Mantra) is as per the prediction of this omen. When Ba Ratna Manju offered this to the King, the king was pleased, brushed his hand over his head and gave great rewards for his services. It also shows the King’s deep faith in the Prajnaparamita Sutra. As much as his faith in this outstanding text among all the excellent teachings, it was King Thrisong Deutsan who had started the tradition of reading the scriptures in Tibet. It is said that the twelve volumes of Bum (hundred thousand stanza) scripts used to be read, from beginning to end every morning by dividing the scriptures among some 300 monks at Samye Monastery, Tibet. From Tibet, the tradition gradually flourished to the neighbouring countries including Bhutan which the people of Bhutan still practice the culture not only for remedial purpose but also to uphold the sacred doctrine and inculcating the faith to the future generations. However, the modernization couldn’t make much affect for this reading culture while it had somewhat impacted other ICH for its survival.

Chăm pottery products are made with the skilfulness, flexibility and softness of hands and bodies of Chăm women, showing the individual creativity based on the knowledge handed over by the community. This has the following characteristics. The pottery is entirely handmade by women. Instead of using a turntable, women have to move backwards to revolve around the product placed in a fixed place to create the shape for it. The pottery is not glazed but fired outdoors. Raw materials (clay, sand, water, firewood and straw) are exploited locally. After being collected from Hamu Tanu Halan field along the banks of Quao river in Bàu Trúc village (Ninh Thuận province), the clay will be reproduced after a few year periods. The clay for making pottery of Bình Đức village (Bình Thuận province) is exploited in Xuân Quang village (3 kilometers from Bình Đức village to the Northwest). Tools for making pottery are simple because they are made use of local materials by artisans such as bamboo hoop scraper-polisher, bamboo hoop scraper to thin pottery products and clamshells and wetted coil cloth to make the product smooth. Without using a kiln, the finished pottery products are dried and baked outdoors with firewood and straw at a temperature of about 800 Celsius within 7-8 hours. Chăm’s pottery products are mainly household utensils, worshiping products, and fine art works including Jars (jek), pots (gok), trays (cambak), vases (bilaok), rice jars (khan brah). These products are characterised as being unique and carrying individual imprints.

Viet Nam 2022