Indonesian Batik is a traditional hand-crafted textile rich in intangible cultural values, passed down for generations in Java and elsewhere since early 19th Century, made by applying dots and lines in hot wax to cloth using a canthing tulis pen or canthing cap stamp, as a dye-resist. Patterns and motifs have deep symbolism related to social status, local community, nature, history and cultural heritage. The batik community noted the younger generation’s interest in batik is waning, and felt the need to increase efforts to transmit batik cultural heritage to guarantee its safeguarding. Thus, the following is arranged. The program is collaboration between the Batik Museum and elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic, to include education in batik cultural values and traditional handcraft in curricula as local content or subject. The project has gone on for 3 years, and continues to expand to Pekalongan District and neighbouring Batang, Pemalang and Tegal districts. Data and interviews with headmasters, teachers and students prove that the programme is popular and successful. The project is a good example of transmission of intangible cultural values to the younger generations by including modules of cultural heritage in the curricula of educational institutions. The main objectives of the programme are: To increase the awareness and appreciation of the cultural heritage of Indonesian batik, including its history, cultural values and traditional skills, among the younger generation at elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic educational strata. To increase the awareness of headmasters, teachers, parents and the batik community in Pelaongan, regarding the importance of transmission of batik culture to the younger generations. To involve the management and staff of the Batik Museum in educational activities for students and the general public regarding batik cultural values and training in batik traditional handcraft. The priorities of the programme are: To train staff of the Museum for teaching batik history, cultural values and traditional handcrafts to students. To prepare and distribute proposal invitations to headmasters, so that they would send their students to participate in the programme. To train school teachers to become trainers in batik local content (training of trainers), and/or to place batik craftspersons in schools to give education and training in batik. To organize tests for students participating in the programme, to evaluate the results of the transmission of batik culture

Indonesia 2009

The Chinese tradition of Yueju opera combines Mandarin operatic traditions and Cantonese dialect. Rooted in the Cantonese-speaking provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi in south-eastern China, Yueju opera is characterized by a combination of string and percussion instruments, with elaborate costumes and face painting. It also incorporates stunts and fights using real weapons and drawing on the Shaolin martial arts, as illustrated by the central Wenwusheng role that demands proficiency in both singing and fighting. It has developed a rich repertoire of stories ranging from historical epics to more realistic descriptions of daily life.

China 2009

WASHOKU is social practice based on a comprehensive set of skills, knowledge, practice and traditions related to the production, processing, preparation and consumption of food. It is associated with an essential spirit of respect for nature closely related to the sustainable use of natural resources. WASHOKU has developed as part of daily life and with a connection to annual events and is constantly recreated in response to changes in human relationship with natural and social environment. Basic knowledge, social and cultural characteristics associated with WASHOKU are typically seen in New Year’s cerebrations when Japanese people immerse themselves in their tradition transmitted from generations to generations, thus reaffirming their identity and continuity. WASHOKU in New Year’s celebrations are regionally rich in diversity, given that each province has its own historical and geographical specificity. People make various preparation to welcome the deities of the incoming year; pounding rice cakes, preparing special meals such as beautifully decorated dishes called Osechi, Zoni and Toso, using fresh locally available ingredients each of which has a symbolic meaning. These dishes are served on special tableware and shared by the family members, or shared collectively by the community members, ensuring peoples’ health and social cohesion. This provides an occasion for elderly persons to teach the meanings contained in this social practice to the children. In daily life, WASHOKU has important social functions for the Japanese to reaffirm identity, to foster familial and community cohesion, and to contribute to healthy life, through sharing traditional and well-balanced meals.

Japan 2013

The Dombra is a musical two-stringed instrument, which occupies a special place in Kazakhs’ hearts. The National Dombyra Day has been included in the list of national holidays since 2018 by the decree of the President of Kazakhstan. This was done in in order to further consolidate society around the idea of preserving and reviving national culture and identity. The holiday is celebrated annually on the first Sunday of July. Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. Kazakhstan’s First President Nursultan Nazarbayev established National Dombra Day on June 12th, 2018. It immediately became a favorite holiday for people and was widely celebrated nationwide with music competitions and festivals. During next celebration in 2019, President Tokayev noted that this day represents the nation’s course towards spiritual modernization and putting value on Kazakh traditions. The music of the Kazakh folk instrument dombra tells the history of its people and the centuries-old chronicle of the great steppe. “The nobility and generosity of Kazakh people are represented in music and kyuis (musical compositions). The culture and art of our people do not exist without dombra. Kyuis have always elevated the national spirit,” said Tokayev. The President also thanked musicians who worked to popularize traditional Kazakh music. In years 2020-2021 people celebrated Dombra Day from home due to the coronavirus pandemic. “This day gives us a deep appreciation of our national arts. The sacred instrument brings us its melody through symphony and opera, becoming an integral part of classical art,” Minister of Culture and Sports Aktoty Raimkulova wrote on her Instagram. The Kyui-Live online contest was held by the Department of Culture, Archives and Documentation in the Akmola Region. More than 30 performers of different ages and professions took part in the competition and posted their videos on social media. All the winners received prizes and diplomas. The Kazakh people also celebrated Dombra Day in other countries. QazAlliance, the Alliance dedicated to supporting Kazakh people living abroad, launched the World Dombra Festival project, reported the alliance on its Facebook. Dombra players from 25 countries and 36 cities took part in the project and congratulated Kazakhstan on Dombra Day.

‘Ak terek – Kok terek’ (“white poplar — green poplar”) is a fun and exciting game for children. Two teams line up against each other at a distance of 20 meters in one line, holding hands. The team that starts the game asks another team: “White poplar- green poplar. Which of us do you want?” The other team, having consulted, answers to the question in the same way: “We want (name of the player) to join us”. The player who is called by the team runs up and tries to break the chain between any two members. If he succeeds, he takes one player from the opposing team to his own. In case of failure - he remains in this team himself. Then the teams switch the roles, and the game continues. The winning team is the one who took away more of the ‘opponent’ players. In the southern Kyrgyzstan, the game is called Chartek. In Alai region it is called El Chabar. `Kachma top` (means escaping/dodging the ball). It is a traditional Kyrgyz game for children and adolescents somewhat similar to baseball. The game participants are divided into two teams. On a field measuring 50x100m, a line (maaru) is marked at both ends. By drawing lots, an offensive team (team of hitters) is appointed, which positions itself on the court. The ball server (pitcher) is selected (the ball is rolled up from animal fur). Then the order of hitters is established. The hitter enters the line, picks up a meter-long stick and strikes the tossed ball. Hitting as hard as possible, he must run to the opposite line. Then the players change. ‘Tak teke’ is an old, traditional wooden dancing goat puppet, which is put to life by the movement of the player’s fingers. ‘Tak teke’ was performed during celebrations or in a free time. The vertical stick was installed by hinges on the surface of a small table. A small wooden figure of the goat was attached to the stick. This stick, under the table, acceded to the strings of komuz (musical instrument) by the streaks. During the performance on komuz, the goat figure moves with a melody. `Besh tash` also known as top tash a game of five stones or group of stones. It is one of the ancient games that is mentioned in the Manas epic. This game is played by young girls in small groups of 2-6 people. A game is played with 5 pebbles with smooth surface. Each player performs a series of throwing and catching exercises with those pebbles. Exercises get more and more challenging from level to level. There are usually 7 levels but players can improvise and add extra levels based on mutual agreement.

Folklore genre, a short funny story, usually transmitted from mouth to mouth. Most often, an anecdote is characterized by an unexpected semantic resolution at the very end, which gives rise to laughter.

Mongolians revere certain parts of bones of their domestic livestock animals and use them in their religious rites, plays and traditional games. One such popular team-based game is knucklebone shooting. Players flick thirty domino-like marble tablets on a smooth wooden surface towards a target of sheep knuckle-bones, aiming to knock them into a target zone. Each shooter possesses their own (arrow, chair, etc.) adjusted shooting tools and instruments especially made by hand and wear costumes embossed with distinguished characteristics depending on their rank and merits. All the equipment is made by traditional craftsmen. Its technique demands high levels of endurance and accuracy. Singers communicate their opinions to the shooters by singing traditional Knucklebone Shooting melodies and songs. Each competition's opening and closing ceremony has several specific rituals. National competitions tournaments involve 400-600 shooters; there are 30 or more competitions per year. Shooters build their own communities depending on their interest and affinity. This community is recognized as part of the cultural heritage. According to established rules teams consist of six to eight men, among which one or two have to be youngsters. Team members are tied by unbreakable internal bonds and follow clear ethical rules of mutual respect and dignity. A senior member who possesses well ethical and traditional knowledge and experiences will become the team leader. The Association is the principle representatives of bearers, preserving and promoting this heritage and ensuring continuous training and transmission of knowledge from senior to younger shooters.

Mongolia 2014

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

Disclaimer : ‘Traditional Knowledge for Mangrove Honey Collection’ is not an element officially designated by the government of Bangladesh and thus tentatively named by ichLinks secretariat to introduce the cultural expression with the name indicated above. We welcome your valuable comments and feedback about 'Traditional Knowledge for Mangrove Honey Collection' and its information presented on this page. Forest honey collection in the Sundarbans is unique to its geographical area. Mawalis, the honey collectors traditionally depend on the honey and wax that they get from the world’s largest mangrove forest for their livelihood. Honey collection starts in the Sundarbans between March and May. Khalisa honey is bountiful around this time. After khalisa come gewa, bain, and kewra honey. Flowers of Sundarban bushes blossom during the month of Baishak, April, while those of bain trees blossom in May and June. The fruits of the gol tree fall off in June and July. Forest bees play an important role in the natural pollination of these plants and trees, particularly at the middle and top layers of the Sundarbans, where all kinds of trees and flowers live together. Bees live on pollen and honey while birds live on bees. But the birds also prevail in these two forest layers. The birds themselves are food for snakes and tigers, making a critical food cycle in the area and balancing the vertical forest ecosystems of the mangroves. Meanwhile, women hold rituals and follow special rules when men go out to collect honey in the forest. During this time, the women neither stay too far from their home nor use oil and soap on their hair and body. They also do not burn peppers in the furnace, nor do they squeeze water from the bath towels. They cook food early in the morning and in the evening. They never make a fire in the furnace at noon, as they believe that lighting a fire at noon could harm both the forest and the beehives. When they collect honey, the Mawalis do not quarrel with others, lie, or misbehave with others. The men also do the same. They obey sajuni, the chief, no matter what happens. When the collection begins, they first see how bees move and track their path. They anchor their boats to the bank of the river and go deep into the forest to search for beehives. Once they find a beehive, they make a karu, a broom-like bouquet, to make smoke and drive bees out of the hive. They also cover their mouths with cloths to protect themselves from bee stings. Then they cut a part of the hive to extract honey but leave the other part, where the bees and their larvae stay untouched. After the collection is done, they put out the fire on the karu. The honey collected here is kept in different cane baskets. Lastly, they keep the honey in a flat pot, designed to keep off moisture and prevent honey from thickening.

Thuen-pa pun-zhi (The Four Noble Friends) is a spiritual tale originating from the Jakarta Tales of Lord Buddha. It is one of the most popular tales, both spoken and depicted in pictures on the walls of dzongs (fortresses), monasteries, temples and individual homes to promote harmony, cohesion, unity and a life of integrity. The fable is narrated as follows: In a dense forest in the country of Kashi once lived a Partridge, a Rabbit, a Monkey and an Elephant, who despite their different sizes and species became incredible friends. The reason is that they have the same feeling of love and kindness for each other. Every day they helped each other find food and wholeheartedly shared everything they found. One day they spoke to each other, "Although we have been friends for so long, we don't know who is the oldest and who is the youngest among us. We should begin to respect our elders and treat our younger friends with kindness, so we must examine ourselves." Amazingly, all the friends agreed to their joint proposal. The next day, everyone gathered near a giant Banyan tree (Ficus benghalensis). For the test, the partridge allowed prompted his friends, "Look at this tree." And asked, "Which of us saw the tree first?" First the elephant answered, "When I was small and lived with my mother's herd, I saw the tree, and it was just as big as I am." The monkey followed his giant friend and said, "I also saw the tree, and it was as big as my body." And the rabbit said, "I saw the tree as a sapling with only two tender leaves, and I licked the dew drops off those freshly grown leaves." After hearing these coincidences, the other friends except the partridge acknowledged the hierarchy of age. But surprisingly, the partridge, though the smallest, said, "I am the one who nibbled the juicy banyan fruit, and it is the tree that grew from the seed I left on the ground." Knowing who was the eldest among them, the elephant paid respect to his three other friends, and similarly the monkey honored the rabbit and the partridge; and the rabbit honored the partridge because he was the oldest and most senior friend. After that, the eldest got the first part of the food they got, and then they maintained the hierarchy. When they went on threatening journeys, the youngest carried the elder, the monkey carried the rabbit, and finally the partridge enjoyed the privilege of reserving the highest seat. On another occasion, the members again discussed why we should not try, besides respecting ourselves, to do at least some virtuous deeds. Partridge voluntarily stood up and suggested, "Until now, we have intentionally or unintentionally fed on the lives of other animals. Being a predator is an unvirtuous act, so let's cultivate being herbivores." Immediately others spoke up, "Although we can avoid taking life, we sometimes feed on what is not really ours. This is an act of possession that is not granted or by permission, so from now on we will not commit ourselves to having anything that is not given or offered." They then agreed not to be possessed of food, sexual misconduct and, untruthfulness, and finally to renounce the consumption of intoxicants, especially alcohol. The four friends committed themselves to the Basic Five Virtuous Law they imposed on each other. One day, the oldest friend, the partridge, asked the rest of his friends, "Let's make other mates besides ourselves abide by our rules, who among us can bring your friends into the Law?" The monkey replied, "I can make all my fellows to abide." Similarly, the rabbit and the elephant also assured their friends to follow the rules. Gradually, all the animals obeyed the fundamental law, which led to the occurrence of favorable weather that not only brought abundant fruits and harvests to the animal world, but also enabled mankind to live in harmony. The king, fascinated by the unusual auspicious signs, called his queens, ministers, young men and merchants to inquire about the cause of this good luck, but unfortunately no one could give an answer. One day the king met a Hermit who lived in the seclusion of the forest and could predict everything, and asked him the same question. The hermit said, "All these auspicious signs are due to the virtuous behavior of the animals that live in your forest." Although the king was surprised by this news and wanted to see the animals, the Hermit urged the king to make his countrymen obey the law of animals; not to kill, not to steal, not to commit misconduct, not to be dishonest, and not to engage in the consumption of intoxicants. As advised, the King got all his citizens to obey the law, which had actually been established by the Four Noble Animal Friends. Finally, the king, the people and the animals experienced an unattainable peace, tranquility and blissful life in the present and enjoyed it even after their deaths as heavenly beings

When you arrive in Haa, you are greeted by three giant identical hills rising steeply to the west, known as Miri Pun Sum, also styled as Miri Pun Suum or sometimes Me Rig Puen Sum: The Three Brothers Hills or The Three Sisters Hills. Located on the border between Kartshog and Uesu Gewog, one can admire the aligned hills in the middle of Haa Valley. For centuries, the Miri Pun Sum has been worshipped as the abode and embodiment of the Rig-sum Gonpo, Lords of the Three Families: with Jampleyang or Manjushiri on the left; Chenrizig or Avalokiteshvara in the middle; and Chana Dorje Vajrapani on the right. These three deities are considered the most important deities in the Vajrayana Buddhist pantheon, Miri Pun Sum symbolizes and emplaces them in the landscape, so they are worshipped as guardian deities protecting the Haa Valley. Legend has it that people suddenly appeared out of nowhere from Miri Pun Sum, and built the Lhakhang temple of Karpo and Nagpo, which stands in front of the three hills today. It is also believed that this sudden appearance of people from these three hills gave the place its name "Ha". Locals believe that the three hills themselves embody Buddhist powerful beings, and each is associated with a village as well. The people of the Bji and Kartshog Gewog village block are represented by the hill of Chana Dorji, the Vajrapani bodhisattva; they are known to be darker and tougher than their neighbors. While the notoriously meek people of the Uesu gewog are represented by the hill of Chenrizig, the Avaloketeshvara bodhisattva of compassion. Finally, Samar, Gakiling, and Sangbay gewogs are represented by the hill of Jampelyang, Manjushri bodhisattva of wisdom, to reflect their gentle, down-to-earth, and easygoing nature. People also believe that the collective welfare of Haaps depends on the condition of Miri Pun Sum, which is why the Haaps protect the three hills with great reverence. Locals believe that the Miri Pun Sum maintain peace in the valley. It is also believed that these three hills are responsible for rain, harvest, and prosperity of the families. Only when in the presence of these majestic hills can one truly fathom and appreciate this unique, fascinating landscape. Miri Pun Suum is considered a sacred landmark, revered by all Haaps with great respect and devotion. Since time immemorial, Haaps have offered Soel-kha propitiation rituals to Miri Pun Sum. In 2013, under the leadership of the Lhayul-kha people, the Haaps officially erected a Lha-chhim deity shrine in front of Miri Pun Sum to specifically perform Mang-chhoe, a great offering ritual for the welfare of the entire population, or Soel-kha for Miri Pun Sum. This Mang-chhoe is performed annually on the 30th day of the twelfth lunar month. The Lha-chhim is looked after by two administrators whose posts are filled alternately by the residents of Lhayulkha village.

Ink or Ink making is also an art related to the art of Calligraphy and writing. Like the calligraphy pen, ink is one of the fundamental needs while undertaking any kind of writing, printing, paintings including the engraving works as it need to be either sketch or write the primary writings before actual engraving is initiated. Therefore, it is an art that a calligrapher or a xylograph printer must know how to make ink by themselves. Nag-tsha or more often Nag-tse is a general term for any types of Ink used for the aforementioned activities but also referred particularly to the normal ink i.e. the black ink. As majority of the writings are written using the black ink thus, the usage of the term dominated the verities of inks be it gold, silver, copper, turquoise or vermillion. However, if somebody make quires like, “What types of ink?” the response will be referred to a definite ink like “gold, silver, copper, turquoise, vermillion, blood and normal ink.” However, due to the massive usage of normal black ink whether it is made from sooth or other black colour ingredients for writing and printing; not only the woodblock prints but also prayer flags therefore, the term Nag-tse (black ink) have been used as a general term for an ink. As mentioned above, Ink and pen making technology evolved simultaneously with the invention of writing culture. As Bhutan highly regards Guru Padmasambhava and Denmang Tsemang (?) one of his principal disciples who transcribed the teachings and gave the scripture for the practice of King Sindhu Raja and later said to be hidden as treasure in early 9th century. Later in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) resumed the writing tradition along with pen and ink making to decipher the treasure document mentioned as Shog-ser and also for woodblock printing purpose. The tradition met its thriving period in the 17th during Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal’s (1594-1651) reign after he instituted the State Government by established the Monastic Body and introduced the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) where monks learnt the art of calligraphy and ink making as well. Ink making was not only or writing but also required for making xylograph prints from the woodblocks stored in the respective Monastic Institutions esp. in the Dzongs (Fortress). Thereafter, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs which is still surviving at a very small space due to the availability of modern inks from the market.