Inscribed in 2016 (11.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju Island, off the southern coast of mainland Korea, is a volcanic island with a population of about 600,000 people. Some landforms of the island were inscribed on the List of World Heritage in 2007. An average Jeju haenyeo holds her breath for one minute while diving ten- meter underwater to gather marine products. When a haenyeo exhales after each dive, she makes a unique sound called "sumbi-sori." A haenyeo works for six to seven hours a day in summer and four to five hours in winter. She dives about ninety days a year. The income generated from diving work significantly contributes to Jeju households. A Jeju haenyeo has her own mental map of the sea, including the location of reefs and the habitat for shellfish. She also has a command of local knowledge on the winds and tides. The maps and knowledge are acquired through repeated diving experience by each haenyeo. Most Jeju haenyeo rely upon upper-skilled haenyeo’s (sanggun) weather forecast for diving rather than listening to the official forecasts. Jeju haenyeo communities practice a shamanistic ritual for the goddess of the sea (jamsugut). The ritual includes prayers for safety at sea and an abundant catch. The ritual has a part for the haenyeo to sing a song called “Seoujet-Sori.” “Haenyeo Norae” (Haenyeo Song), which used to be sung while rowing their boat out to the sea for diving, has been an important part of Jeju haenyeo culture.

South Korea 2016

The Limbe is one of the ancient musical wind instruments of nomadic Mongolians. The limbe is a side-blown wind instrument, mostly made of hard wood or bamboo. It is considered as one of the valuable traditional musical instruments among Mongolians for its unique technique and characteristics such as producing euphonical melody, melisma, hidden tune associated with circular breathing, and its performing techniques of skillful and delicate movements of fingers and tongue. Over the long historic development of Limbe performance, Mongolians have created the unique technique of playing Limbe using circular breathing. Circular breathing technique of the Limbe performance is closely interconnected with the traditional mentality of Mongolians, traditional folk long song and the vast steppe. The circular breathing technique of the Limbe Performance comprehensively corresponds to the characteristics of the melody of Mongolian folk long song, particularly adequate for performing the folk long song with prolonged and melodic tune for its entire duration without any pause. Limbe is one of the main instruments that perform unilaterally the melodies of traditional folk long song or accompany its performance. While performing a folk long song, it is customary for Limbe performers to use the technique of circular breathing. Limbe has the ability to comprehensively express and support the manifestation of folk long song, its slow pace and expansive wide ranging flow of melody. Its continuous melody serves as a support during the singer's pause for inhaling and thus enriches the song's melody as well. 'Bituu amisgaa' means 'hidden circle of breathing'. Performing with circular breathing is a complex technique of uninterruptedly continuing the activity of expelling the air stored in a mouth cavity to play the melody and at the same time inhaling air into the lungs through the nose and transferring it to the mouth cavity. The distinctiveness of the technique to circular breathe lies in the ability of intentionally changing the normal way or process of breathing, thus creating the circular bond of continuous air flow by inhaling and exhaling simultaniously. The first step in mastering this technique of Limbe performance is to learn in the ability to inhale gently neither stopping the flow of blowing nor interrupting its tone of melody. The second step is to learn to play the Limbe with the ability to completely express the melody of traditional folk long song, its manifestation, phylosophical view by perfectly possessing the technique of producing ornamentation, coloratura, melismaa and shurankhai (falsetto) which requires one's true endeavours and hard work, talent and sense of acoustics. In this sense, it can be concluded that the element ""Folk long song performance technique of Limbe performers – Circular breathing"" finds its true form or fulfilled from within the inseparable interconnection of circular breathing technique of the Limbe and its performance of folk long song. The ""Circular breathing"" is a great achievement of nomadic Mongolians derived from their creativity, result of the exploration and necessity of their daily life. The origin and development of circular breathing is closely bound up with the skills and knowledge of ancient craftsmen or metalsmiths who specialized in gold and silver. Early Mongolian craftsmen used circular breathing techniques for crafting various decorative and ornamental items including valuable jewelries. In crafting such items, craftsmen were required to blow continuously to the flame through a pipe with needle like hole, in order to make the hard metal melt or soften. In that regards, the craftsmen had to blow gently to the flame through the pipe bitten in their mouth, continuing as long as possible. From such necessity of lifestyle, craftsmen have mastered the technique of circular breathing, creating a circular-like cycle of breathing, simultaneously inhaling through their nose while blowing without any pauses. It can be considered that the introduction of the circular breathing technique by craftsmen in the art of Limbe was a new and productive invention in its performing technique. The traditional method of learning the simultanious act of inhaling and exhaling has a coherent sets of training forms, ranging from elementary to advanced which include continuous blowing act at a candle light or a flame without extinguishing it and blowing through a straw into a glass of water. The technique of circular breathing performance of the Limbe has valuable significance that could equally be practiced for other wooden wind instruments (Mongolian traditional wind instruments: Bishguur, Byalar, Hornpipe; non traditional: Clarinet, Saxophone, Oboe, etc.) and is an outstanding example of musical performing techniques created by humanity, consituting one of the distinctive forms of intangible cultural heritage in need of urgent safeguarding. This traditional element of ""Folk long song performance technique of the Limbe performers-Circular breathing"" has been handed down by and preserved among renowned Limbe performers: L.Tserendorj, L.Maam, M.Dorj. Nowadays, the second generation apprentices of these well-known Limbe performers are the main bearers and holders of this traditional art. But the existing few number of these bearers of the element has become the biggest concern for its further viability. Currently, there is a high risk of possibility that the tradition of this element could dissappear from its existence. One of the factors causing the element to dissapear is inevitably the significance of decrease of current groups and individuals of artists and practitioners of traditional folklore in numbers and changes in the traditional repertoire. The main change of repertoire in traditional folklore has caused by the tendency to absorb classical or modern forms of view, and the predominance of western methodology in training system. Additionally, the intense globalization and urbanization changes are the factors causing to diminish the value and tendency towards intangible cultural heritage among general public, particularly among younger generations. Today, some of the urgent objectives for us are to promote, safeguard and transmit the element to the younger generations, to ensure its further existence and viability.

Mongolia 2011

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

Nomadic way of life of the Kyrgyz and natural conditions they have lived in had their impact on formation of traditional system of knowledge, social and economic practices of livelihood directed at resect for nature and surrounding world. Traditional knowledge on cattle breeding and pasturing are based on ancient practices and measures on sustainable use of lands, soil, and vegetation for sustenance of the population. They consist of knowledge on movements of livestock, peculiarities of pasturing, soil remediation, re-vegetation, forage conservation and disposal of feeding stuffs, and peculiarities related to veterinary and care of the livestock.

In 1995, the Sub-commission on Cultural Communities and Traditional Arts of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) – the lead agency mandated to preserve, promote and develop Philippine culture and the arts – affirmed the need to safeguard traditional knowledge and practices from rapid cultural devaluation brought about by media, tourism, formal education and religion. This paved the way for the creation of The School of Living Traditions (SLT) programme, involving informal, community-managed learning centres where practitioners can transmit their communities’ knowledge, intangible cultural heritage, skills and values to younger generations. The identification of priorities for safeguarding was led by elders, leaders and other members of communities through a series of consultations. In the process, the NCCA provided capacity-building assistance for the mobilization of logistics and other resources needed to establish the learning centres. The SLT programme aims to develop, implement and evaluate community-based measures to safeguard vital traditional cultural knowledge and practices from the potential negative effects of modernization.

Philippines 2021

Drukor and Tokor mean the same thing, that is, collection of bru (grain) or collection of to (food grains) by the people of Merak and Sakteng in Bhutan. These highlanders of the east use brukor while the highland settlers of the west use tokor. The highlanders fill their stores with various types of grains, mostly rice and maize. Some households even have grain stocks as old as 20 years as one does not need to worry about insects at high altitude. During the summer, the highlanders are busy tending their animals while farmers in the lower altitude villages are busy with crop farming, but during the autumn season when farmers harvest their crops, the highlanders come for brukor or tokor. They normally take loads of raw incense leaves, butter, dried cheese, fermented cheese, meat, hides, wool, and all sorts of animal products to exchange for grains. Normally their transactions are barter system, though cash transaction is also common in order to buy necessary items such as salt, sugar, and tealeaves that are imported from India. The highlanders transport these goods on horses, yaks, dzos, and oxen and also carry them on their own backs. The caravan will range from a few to over 20 pack animals walking in line along the tracks, halting at nights where there is enough grass and water for the animals. Over the years, this custom has led to a special bond between the highland dwellers and lowland farmers known as naep (host/guest). Following the harvest in winter, the highlanders visit the lower altitude for brukor and become the guests of the farmers, while in summer, the farmers visit the highland pastures in search of butter and cheese and become guests of highland hosts. In the central districts, the highlanders also take care of the flocks of sheep belonging to the low altitude farmers from April until the Blessed Rainy Day in the autumn, receiving a measure of grain for each animal by way of exchange. The highlanders store their grains with the host family until all of it has been carried up to their highland homes, which may take some months. They do this with complete trust that the quantity will remain correct, to the last grain. However, this tradition is now almost lost in some parts of the country, since the yak products are easily traded for cash in the urban centres where alternative accommodation is now easily found. Moreover, the modern market has everything that a highlander needs to buy with cash. The liberalisation of cordyceps collection has also increased the purchasing power of the highlanders. In the central districts, sheep culture has been now disappeared from the landscape.

Solo Tshung-nang is one of the special gifts offered to guests along with a bottle of wine (normally ara-locally brewed alcohol), for family members, weeding ceremonies, and also to any guest during special occasions. Solo Tsungma is locally prepared from either dried or fresh chili peppers – preferably dried chili powdered and mixed with Nam black sesame seeds, pumpkin seed and other delicacies neatly wrapped in particular leaves such as; Laga wild banana leaf, Chong-shing laga fig leaf and other specific wild leaf which have broad in width. Amongst these wrapping leaves, laga is preferred and widely used. The practice of making and offering Solo Tshung-ma is active and a popular gift in the villages within Decheling, Norbugang and Choekhorling gewogs (block) under Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district). Prerequisite ingredients and materials: -\tLaga: wild banana leaf (preferred), Chong-shing laga fig leaf, Mong-nang laga, lau laga, and other wild leaves as wrappers. -\tKudpa ney-nga: Five coloured thread (preferred) or fiber of any other tree such as Soga do (bamboo thread) and Phrang three bark fiber etc. -\tLocally grown and dried chili -\tNam: black sesame seeds are one of the most important ingredients for preparing the pickle thus calling it nam-solo or sesame pickle. -\tBrum-sha lung: pumpkin seed -\tNam-jor: similar to sesame -\tTsha: salt Types of Solo Tshung-nang: -\tNam solo (chili and sesame mixed pickle) - \tNam-jor Solo (chili and white sesame mixed pickle) -\tBrumsha lung Solo (chili and pumpkin seed mixed pickle) -\tChur Solo (chili and fresh cheese pickle) note this kind cannot be preserved but is also offered as gift. When offering Solo Tshung-nang it is always offered along with local wine ara, or ara dama, which is raw or un-brewed wine. It is popular to fill a So-palag traditional bamboo container with ara as an appetizer locally called Kam-tang where first the ara is offered followed by Solo Tshung nang. When given as an appetizer, it is traditional that you must offer the tshung nang with a knot concealed underneath.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak Lha or locally called Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

Felt making is a traditional form of textile craftsmanship in Uzbekistan, practiced for centuries by nomadic and rural communities. It involves processing wool from sheep, cleaning, carding, and then manually felting it through rolling, pressing, and wetting techniques to produce dense, warm, and durable fabric used for carpets, clothing, yurts, and ceremonial items. This ancient craft combines utilitarian knowledge with cultural aesthetics, as felt products are often decorated with colorful, symbolic patterns representing protection, nature, or family values. The creation of felt is typically a communal activity, especially among women, where skills, stories, and songs are shared in the process. Felt making is not only an economic activity but also a symbol of identity, reflecting the pastoral heritage and sustainable lifestyle of many Uzbek regions.

Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival is a traditional practice which is composed of a set of rituals and can be traced back to middle ages. Emerged in XIVth century Rumelia (Southwestern part of Turkey), Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is one of the world’s oldest festivals (648 years). 648th Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival was organized in Edirne, in 2009. Festival ceremonies last for three days. The festival is launched by the welcoming ceremony of Kırkpınar Aga with 40 davul-zurna bands in front of Edirne Municipality Building. The festival activities then move on ceremonial procession in the city center followed by moment of silence ceremony, singing the Kırkpınar anthem and visiting the ‘Cemetery of Pehlivans’. The “golden belt”, which the Chief Pehlivan (Baş Pehlivan) will be rewarded with, is carried during the ceremonial procession. The festival starts on Friday, which is regarded as holy by the Muslims. The reason for choosing Holy Friday as the first day of the festival is the tradition of reciting mevlid (prayer) for the pehlivans. The “mevlid” is recited in historical Selimiye Mosque by the participation of all pehlivans. The events continue with the wrestling of pehlivans on an arena built exclusively for the festival in the outside of the city centre, Men’s Field (Er Meydanı) is the place where the oil wrestling is held as a customary practice of Pehlivan wrestling. Oiling of pehlivans in the field and Peşrev, which consists of a series harmonized warming up exercises and salutation, are important rituals of the festival. The festival goes on with the introduction of the pehlivans by cazgırs and at the end of the third day, the festival closes with the awarding of Kırkpınar Golden Belt to the winner called Chief Pehlivan. A band of 40 davul-zurna players perform ‘Kırkpınar tunes’ throughout the festival. What distinguishes Kırkpınar from any other wrestling festival is its rich cultural form which preserved its traditional image for centuries. Attracting people from all regions of Turkey, Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling Festival contributes greatly to social peace along with a sense of cultural cohesion. Such a rooted tradition which is sustained by the groups, communities and individuals contributes to dissemination of intangible cultural heritage concept as well. Kırkpınar can be considered as a fair with its authentic objects (red-bottomed candles, kıspets, local traditional clothes, peşgirs, zembils -a kind of tool for carrying the kıspet, tools for oil, davuls and zurnas, golden belt), rituals (praying, mevlid tradition, peşrev and oiling) and cultural identities ( pehlivan figure) (pehlivan, Kırkpınar agası (main sponsor), cazgır). Main Elements of the Festival Pehlivans Wrestlers who oil themselves are called pehlivans. The figure of pehlivan is an important element of cultural identity for Turkish people. Pehlivans are exemplary figures in the society with their attributes like generosity, honesty, adherence to traditions and customs and respectfulness. Therefore, the most chivalrous pehlivans or pehlivans that display the best peşrev are also rewarded. Pehlivans are trained in master-apprentice tradition. All the wrestlers in the festival are called ‘pehlivan’. The ultimate winner of the Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is called Chief Pehlivan of Turkey and he carries the golden belt for one year’s period. The wrestler, who becomes chief pehlivan for three consecutive years, also becomes the owner of the golden belt. Kırkpınar Aga Concept of aga is one of the most fundamental elements of Kırkpınar Oil-Wrestling. The concept of Aga is regarded as an institutional identity. As pehlivans, agas are also considered as exemplary figures in the society who adhere to traditions. Kırkpınar Aga is officially recognized by the state and thus a car with a red plate (a type of official plate) written Kırkpınar Aga on is specifically allocated to the Aga. This red plate is valid at least for one year during the period of Agalık. Following the festival opening, agalık for next year is announced. The one who offers to make the highest financial contribution to cover the festival costs is designated as Kırkpınar Aga for the next year. This tradition is one of the most important elements as regards to the sustainability of the festival. Kırkpınar Aga is the main sponsor of the festival events. Cazgır Also known as salavatçıs, cazgırs introduce all the pehlivans to the audience citing their names, titles, skills in verse format and through prayers and they start the match. They are also supposed to introduce the opponents to each other after the pairing up, praying and informing both sides about the strong points each opponent has with advices. They need to have a fine strong voice and be able to improvise prayers in verse. Cazgırs strive to maintain unity within the field and bring the pehlivans together in a common spirit. Their talks inspire and excite the people around. They utter prayers called salavat in a musical style which catalyzes the enthusiasm of the participants. Cargırs are acknowledged as a profession and they come from a master-apprentice tradition. Davul - Zurna players As another essential element of oil wrestling festival, davul-zurna players are trained in masterapprentice tradition. Kırkpınar music which is known as pehlivan tunes is played exclusively in this festival. A group of 40 davul-zurna players perform during the festival. In Edirne, three different associations have been established to perform musical pieces for Kırkpınar Festival. During the festival, davul-zurna band performs in traditional dresses. Instruments of Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling ▶Kıspet Kıspet is the basic outfit of a pehlivan. They are a kind of thick trousers made of water buffalo or cow leather. Currently, kıspet is tailored by a limited number of masters in Çanakkale and Samsun provinces. ▶Zembil Zembil, a traditional handcraft, which is a hand-made instrument produced on a special reed workbench. Zembil is only made and used for carrying the kıspet. ▶Red Bottomed Candle This candle is the official symbol of invitation for Kırkpınar. In the past these candles were hung in coffee houses of towns and villages to indicate the townsfolk were invited to the Kırkpınar.

Turkey 2010

Whistled language is the name given to a method of communication that uses whistles, a sound made with the help of the fingers, tongue, teeth, lips and cheeks, to simulate and articulate words. Whistled language is a variety of shrill sounds, which are created by forming the tongue into specific shapes in the mouth and using the vocal chords to articulate a wide range of phonemes. Based on a variety of syllables, the language is produced by combining different sounds or tones that emanate from the vocal chords. Words in any spoken language can be articulated using this whistling technique. The challenging and mountainous terrain, which create a tough environment in Turkey’s Eastern Black Sea Region, has resulted in cultural practices that are very different from other parts of the country. One of these practices, most of which relate to nature and the environment, is the whistled language. The steep mountains and rugged topography of the region have resulted in houses being built that are remote and inaccessible from one another, giving rise to the local population finding an alternative way to carry out daily communication through the use of high pitched, loud sounds, which are created by whistling across the large distances. How this obstacle to face to face communication has been resolved is a strong indicator of human creativity. Whistled language, which can also be seen in various other regions of the world, is an environmentally friendly form of communication that not only makes life easier and more harmonious but also reinforces social bonds for the people living in the region. Whistled language has a melodious and rhythmic pattern that is formed by combining many distinctive sounds that are established by consensus. With these patterns of sound, it can be possible to simulate, morphemes used in daily life, such as “Okay”, “come” and “go”; to exchange short dialogues for warning and SOS or calling for help, such as “There is a forest fire!” and “Would you like to join us tomorrow to harvest hazelnuts?”. Although the determining factor in the use of this language is the emulation and recognition of fixed phrases expressed using the whistled language technique, new words and phrases that are entering the modern lexicon can also be incorporated. In other words, the cultural life of the element is constantly being renewed with the introduction of up to date expressions. Given the possible negative impact of modern technology on the natural environment and aspects of human health, one can see that not only is this element environmentally friendly, it also appears to contribute to environmental sustainability. The bearers of this linguistic legacy are now trying to broaden its use in their region by focusing on the element’s environmentally friendly characteristics. The whistled language is used as a cultural means of expression by all segments of society, with no distinction in terms of age, gender, young and old. The practitioners of the element are mainly agricultural communities who spend most of their lives outdoors. In addition, governorates, district authorities, municipalities, universities, and mukhtars (village representative) all play an active role in safeguarding the whistled language with administrative and financial contributions, while the Community Education Center in the Çanakçı District contributes with educational programs and the Bird Language Sustenance Culture and Tourism Association contributes with projects and various social events and activities. Used to meet daily communication needs with its melodious and rhythmic pattern, whistled language is therefore not only a functional indicator of human creativity, it also has an aesthetic quality. Whistled language is an apparent part of the users’ cultural identities and the concerned communities consider that the reflection of their cultural identity is one of the reinforcing elements of interpersonal communication and social solidarity. In this context, naming the village that has been sustaining this cultural indicator, as “Kuşköy” (meaning: bird village), shows that they perceive it as an element of their cultural identity. Moreover, in Kuşköy Village, the whistled language is also called as “bird language”. These days, with the increasing use of mass media, interpersonal communication is weakening and social divides are deepening. Particularly during a time such as this, whistled language, as a natural communication tool, supports not only mutual understanding, respect and solidarity, but also the environment, in terms of sustainable development.

Turkey 2017

“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.

Japan 2009