Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

The community transmitting Chakkirako is located at the tip of the peninsular and developed as a town of a fishery harbour as well as a military port since the twelfth century. It is also a harbour from a storm for civil ships of other areas. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six, as generally called Chakkirako. Some of them were popular dances in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, and others were created in the early seventeenth century. Mariners visiting the harbour demonstrated dances of other local communities, and the people of this community transformed them with their ideas into the dance to mainly celebrate a happy new year. The dance of Chakkirako is performed on January 15th every year at the shrine, indoors or before the houses of the community in order to celebrate a happy new year and pray for a bountiful catch of fish, an abundant harvest and prosperity of each family. In Chakkirako sing five to ten women at the age from 40s to 70s while dance ten to twenty girls at the age from 5 to 12 to the songs. Some lyrics of the songs derive from popular ones of the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and others from traditional ones of the early seventeenth century. The girls are well dressed up with colourful kimono, which are worn on the New Year’s Day or other special celebration days. The girls dance face to face in two lines in the four repertoires out of six. They dance in a circle in another repertoire, and dance face to face or in a circle in the remaining one. They dance with one or two folding fans in their hands in the five repertoires. In one of the face-to-face dances they dance with a thin bamboo of twenty-five centimetre length in each hand, making light sounds by clapping these two bamboos. This performing art was named Chakkirako after the sound of this clapping; it sounds to the people chakkirako, and became popular in the mid-twentieth century. No musical instruments are used in Chakkirako except for these bamboos. Chakkirako is regarded as one of local distinctive cultures transmitted for a long time as a celebration of a happy new year or as an entertainment by the local people. Chakkirako derives from dances and songs performed in other local communities of Japan. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976 by the National Government, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. Found in Chakkirako are some essence of songs and dances popular in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries or in the early seventeenth century. It became girls’ dance by the mid-eighteenth century at latest. Chakkirako has been performed as dances to celebrate a happy new year. Because it is colourful and brilliant dances by girls, it has been also performed at the celebration of a new construction of houses or a bountiful catch of fish. Chakkirako is one of entertainments to the people of the community accompanied with celebration. Only in the early twentieth century its aspect of praying to a deity was emphasized while dancing. Girls wore a shrine-style kimono at that time. Back to the basics later, they resumed to wear a colourful kimono to-day. Until the late twentieth century, Chakkirako was performed by the limited people of the small community. Then, people in the surrounding communities have also participated in its transmission and open performance. Today, Chakkirako is certainly performed to the public on January 15th every year. Therefore, the performers concentrate on practices and rehearsals from one week before the day. Elderly women instructed girls, and thus it is transmitted from generations to generations. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of Chakkirako before the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. Chakkirako is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances retain old performing arts which were once popular in local communities. Through this performance can been found the Japanese sentiment on performing arts which was gradually formed up for a long time. The background of the transmission and the performance of Chakkirako indicate the interaction between a local community and performing arts. As mentioned above, Chakkirako has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generation.

Japan 2009

The origin of this ethnic group dance is not known but it is strongly believed to be in existence along with the Iban ethnic group since the 16th Century. The Ngajat dance is believed to been performed by warriors on their return from battles. This dance is now performed to celebrate the most significant harvest festival called ‘Gawai’, to welcome important guests to the longhouses for the celebration. The male dancers wear large feathers as part of their headgear, hold an ornate and long shield in their hand with chains, beads and a loincloth called the ‘cawat’. The female dancers have an elaborate headdress, chains, beads and a ‘dress’ that reaches to below their knees with intricate weaving. Traditionally this dance was only performed by male dancers but been innovated and perform by all. The dance is arranged in straight lines and a circle and does involve dramatic leaps and jumps performed by the male dancers. Gongs and other ethnic percussion instruments such as the ‘enkeromong’, ‘bendai’, ‘canang’ and ‘dumbak’ or ‘ketebong’ assemble the music. There are in fact several types of Ngajat dances, such as Ngajat Induk, Ngajat Bebunoh, Ngajat Lesong, Ngajat Semain, Ngajat Berayah and Ngajat Ngemai Antu Pala. The ‘Ngajat Lesung’ for example is one of the famous Iban traditional Ngajat dance in Sarawak. The knees are bent and kept close together as they twist from side to side, ending with a simple tap of the heel on the ground. The arms move from left to right in front of the body. The dance is done gracefully. The hornbill, an iconic bird of Sarawak, symbolizing all the movements. The male dancer in this dance represents the warrior who shows off his strength by biting a wooden mortar called the ‘lesung kayu’ with his teeth while dancing. It weighs about seven kilogrammes.

Generally Bhutanese Buddhists have several terms for building wealth such as yang, yang-gug or phya-gug. This is a ritual dedicated to the goddesses of wealth- Tshering ma chey-nga, the five sisters of longevity, and Nam-sey (Skt. Kubera), and it also makes tribute to the symbolic precious cow yang-nor who represents the best of the cattle who served one’s ancestors by feeding and providing for them. The ritual is performed alongside an annual ritual locally called Lha-sey which gives thanks to tutelary deities. The people of the Nurbugang community conduct yang rituals mostly dedicated to the Yang-nor. Practices such as displaying the horns of a prosperous cow or ox; and tools from cattle like Wong-ka a blowing tool made of wild buffalo horn, Thang-nang Nam--bu rung large flute, and Sen-za Nam-bu rung common musical instruments including rope and other associated tools and materials. In practice, after the ritual the villages include several unique mundane activities that are not prescribed in the Buddhist texts. These traditional practices fall within religious practice, and it is said there are only few households who organize such ritual in the community. According to the Buddhist terminology, yang-gug is the ritual of wealth enrichment, also known as phya-gug but, depending on the usage and understanding the meaning of the ritual different local terms are given such as; yang and Yang-nor. However, both yang and Yang-nor is the ritual dedicated to deities Tshering ma and Namsey and giving thanks to the Yang-nor or the most prosperous cattle of the family. When witnessing the ritual performance, the prayers are mostly dedicated for the enrichment and prospering cattle and making tribute to the cattle who had served their forefathers to receive the blessing of enrichment. In accordance to Namkhai Norbu (1984) The Necklace of gZhi: A Cultural History of Tibet. The ritual performance of yang was one of the thirteen rituals performed by Bon-po (Bon tradition practitioner) ever since the enthronement of Tibetan King Nya-tri Tsanpo, well before the arrival of Tibetan Buddhism in Tibet. The twelve Bon rituals are as follows; 1.\tGon-shey Lha-bon:\tBon-po who can liberate sentient beings. 2.\tYang-shey Cha-bon:\tBon-po who can accumulate wealth through yang ritual performance. 3.\tdro-shey lud-tong:\tBon-po who can clear the obstacles by performing exorcism . 4.\tdur-shey sid-gshen:\tBon-po who can overcome barriers. 5.\tTsang-shey sel-dep:\tBon-po who conducts purification ritual and overcome obscuration. 6.\tdrol-shey ta-bon:\t Bon-po who can treat horse. 7.\tFen-shey men-che:\tBon-po healer. 8.\tKoe-shey tse-khen:\tBon-po astrologer. 9.\tmra-shey to-gu:\t\tBon-po who can perform nine types of rituals by preparing sacrificial cakes. 10.\tdeng-shey sha-wa:\tBon-po who can make a stag effigy fly. 11.\tful-shey ju-thig:\t\tBon-po who has the capability to make effigies fly in the sky. 12.\tdro-shey thrul-bon:\tBon-po who can triumph over the obstacles by miracle. The tradition of Yang-shey Cha-bon was later reformed and incorporated in the Buddhist tradition of Guru Padmasambhava in late 8th century. The deities Namsey (god of wealth) and Tsheringma (god of longevity), widely revered in Bhutan, were appointed to bring prosperity through the performance of Yang rituals. Many Bhutanese practitioners include these two deities among their tutelary deities Lha-sey (lha-soel). The Yang or Yang-nor ritual is conducted at the final part of other rituals as afterwards the house has to be confined at least for three days to keep the accumulated blessings. Every single thing that belongs to the house owner has to be impounded. It is believed that the blessing of the enrichment rest upon the things of the host thus, anything that is sent away from the house after the Yang ritual is a certain sign the blessing will be broken or lost. Yang-nor displaying things Yang-zey: -\tThe sacrificial cakes that represent the gods of the wealth, Namsay and Tshering ma, are prepared along with the Tormas (ritual cakes) of the family tutelary deities in the alter. -\tAt a corner near the shrine, the most beautiful and expensive clothes are displayed. On the spread clothes, three stacked bowls are filled with different cereals and adorned with precious gems are displayed in accordance to the Lama Nor-jam text of the Terton Pema Lingpa tradition. -\tOther related ritual items are grandly presented in front of the stacked Yang-zey. -\tCattle effigies made of dough and decorated with butter and flower are prepared and displayed on the plate. -\tNear the Yang-zey, various yang things; Yang-do, Yang-bum and the horns of prosperous cattle and associated herding tools like; Wong-ka, Thang-nang Nam-bu rung, Sen-za Nam-bu rung and Yai (churning container) Ta-khur (Churner) and other old things handed over by the forefathers are neatly exhibited in a bowl filled with grains.

The element is recognized as one of the main elements of cultural and social identity for the regions in which it is crafted and played. The bearers and practitioners are mostly farmers including men as crafters and players and women as players, and recently a number of them are young researchers of both genders. Its traditional knowledge of crafting and playing is informally transmitted through generations by the master-student method. This element is seen in local, oral and written literature (including local poems, proverbs, chants and lullabies) which constitute a part of nature, history, and background of the bearers. As this element is shared by a number of communities, groups and individuals, it brings mutual respect and understanding amongst the communities concerned. Dotār is a folkloric plucked-string musical instrument that has been played in social and cultural events/spaces such as weddings, parties, celebrations, ritual ceremonies etc. Dotār has a bowl which is pear-shaped and made of dried wood of dead mulberry tree and its neck is made of apricot or walnut wood. It has two strings traditionally made of silk which been replaced with metal wires nowadays. Some believe that one string is male and functions as accord and the other is female which plays the main melody. The crafters also repect nature as they use dead and dried wood for making Dotār. It is not in opposition toward the national and international instruments like Universal Human Rights Declaration, sustainable development , etc.

Iran 2019

“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.

Japan 2009

Gong is one of the instruments in the Pin Peat ensemble. Nowadays, there are only a few people who know how to do it. It is uncommon to see leftovers gong for sale, as each unit requires a considerable amount of capital. So, if a costumer wants to get a gong, he/she has to make a deposit first. The method of making gong described here is the way of the villagers of Trapeang Arak, Ov Lek commune, Ang Snoul district, Kandal province. Nowadays, some modern tools are used to make Gong to save time and labor. For example, in the past people use “Snob Dai, a manual pump” to pump in air to make fire, but now they use an electric fan instead. In addition, for a polishing process, people also use a machine. To produce Gong requires at least three people because during Gong pounding, three people are needed. Gong smith used to buy old metals containing copper and tin from the market. The percentage of copper was 70 to 73 percent, and tin 27 to 30 percent. If the mixture is not mixed properly, the metal will crack. After metals are properly weighed, it will be burned in Kulapheach vessel called "Baw" and then poured into a molded plate. Then the metal is burned again until it soft enough to pound. Gong is made in different sizes and it needed to be arranged in number chronological order. After that, Gong makers re-burn some other metal plates to make Gong’s stand. When that is the case, burn it and pound it on a flat board called “Kda Dos”, so that the middle part of the gong is fatten, called (Dos Gong). Not only that, they immediately burn it again to make it soft enough and make the legs a little smaller than the upper surface (called an umbrella). When all this is done, they burn the fruit and put it in a jar with vinegar. So far, we have seen that the work of each step is to burn the gong several times to get the right shape. But it is still not finished, because you have to take the fruit that comes out in the right shape and polish it. In the past, traditional techniques were required that required the use of a variety of materials, but today it is easier to use a polishing machine. Gong making process is “a real workmanship” that requires special skills and talents. That is why at least on the first day of the lunar month, Vishnu is offered at the head of the pump and the stove. The art of making gongs is an important intangible heritage that can last for a long time as long as those who have the skills can live in this profession properly. Otherwise, it may be lost in the future.

The tradition-bears of the gong culture are the seventeen Austro-Asian and Austronesian ethno-linguistic communities living in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Gong music is an integral part of the life cycle of each person and important agricultural events of the community, performed in a wide range of ceremonies and rituals, such as ear-blowing for babies, weddings, sacrifice buffalo, abandoning grave, worshipping water troughs, celebrating new rice, closing rice storehouse, celebrating new communal house, so on. It is believed there is a god in each gong, a protecting shield for the family. Having gongs represents wealth and power. Gong ensembles in the Central Highlands are communal, each performer plays one note. Every member in the ensemble must remember the rhythms and melodies so that they can harmonize with other performers. Depending on the ethnic groups, the gongs are played by hand or with wooden sticks wrapped in cloth, leather or rubber strips. Each gong ensemble has between 2 and 13 flat and knobbed gongs with a diameter ranging from 25 to 120 cm, played by both men and women. Peoples in the Central Highlands often buy gongs from Kinh people in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai provinces, or even in Laos and Cambodia. The gongs are re-tuned in order to have the desired sounds. In the past, almost every village had a gong tuner. Today, there are only a few remaining gong tuners in the region. Economic, social and religious transformations have dramatically affected the lives of the local communities here. The safeguarding of gong space in the Central Highlands is thus more challenging. Senior tradition-bearers are passing away, while few people master the traditional rituals. Some major rituals with gong performance are no longer practiced. Younger generations are is less interested in traditional culture. Buffalo sacrifice is banned in many localities. Rice cultivation is altered with industrial crops. The instruments become trade items for other purposes. Nonetheless, the government is doing its best to ensure its practice and transmission.

Viet Nam 2008

Gendang Melayu Sarawak is a combination of music, songs and dance inherited by the Sarawak Malay community. During a performance the women take their places behind a batik curtain to separate them from the men who sit in front of the curtain at their own leisure. The performance starts with dances performed by the group in pairs. They sing and exchange quatrains. Sometimes the dancers cover their faces with batik sarongs to conceal their identities. Commonly used musical instruments are the drum, violin, accordion and gong. Hitting the centre of the ‘gendang’ produces the ‘pak’ sound, and ‘pung’ is achieved along the edge. The clashing or combination of the ‘pak’ and ‘pung’ is what creates the unmistakable rhythm of ‘gendang Melayu’ Sarawak (Sarawak Malay drum) which typically accompanies hours of ‘joget’ numbers sung by the ‘Seh Gendang’. The lyrics of the songs are in the form of traditional or impromptu ‘pantun’ (poems). It is customary for celebrators to dance (‘nopeng’ or ‘bertandak’) to the songs, hence the terms ‘penopeng’ or ‘penandak’. A verse of ‘pantun’ usually has four lines consisting of alternating, roughly rhyming lines. The first and second lines (‘barisan pembayang’) sometimes appear completely disconnected in meaning from the third and fourth (‘barisan maksud’), but there is almost invariably a link of some sort. In addition, the ‘pantun’ normally repeats the second and the fourth couplet to beautify the melodies. This event’s main purpose is to have fun but, indirectly, it provides opportunities for youths to seek for their future life partners. Gendang Melayu Sarawak is performed during wedding feasts, prayer and circumcision ceremonies, as well as folks festivals. Gendang Melayu Sarawak was recognised as a National Heritage in 2012.

Sape is a traditional lute of the Orang Ulu community of Sarawak, traditionally used by the Kenyah, Kayan and Kelabit tribes. It was once played solely during healing ceremonies at the longhouse, but gradually became a social instrument used as a form of entertainment. Carved from a bole of white wood, the Sape is about over a metre long and approximately 40 centimetres wide. Initially this instrument measured less than a metre and had only two rattan strings and three frets. Today it has up to five strings held by movable wood frets and are tightened or loosened with wooden pegs. This solo instrument’s music is thematic, more often than not inspired by dreams. There are specific compositions for specific ceremonies and situations (marriages, births, harvest times, rain, etc.) which often differ from one sub-ethnic group to another. Typically, the Sape is played while sitting cross-legged on the floor and is used to accompany dances; one for the men's longhouse, the other for the women. Examples include the Ngajat (warrior dance) and Datun Julud. When played for a dance usually two Sapes are used and tuned to different registers of low and high. Sape is occasionally supported by other musical instruments such as jatung utang (wooden xylophone).

The ‘Ngajat Lesung’ is one of the famous dances in Sarawak. This is an Iban traditional dance and is believed to have been performed by warriors on their return from battles. This dance is now performed to celebrate the most important harvest festival called ‘Gawai’, to welcome important guests to the longhouses. In this dance, the knees are bent and kept close together as they twist from side to side, ending with a simple tap of the heel on the ground. The arms move from left to right in front of the body. The dance is done gracefully. Apparently, the hornbill, an iconic bird of Sarawak, inspires all the movements. The male dancer in this dance represents the warrior who shows off his strength by biting a wooden mortar called the ‘lesung kayu’ with his teeth while dancing. It weighs about seven kilogrammes. The male dancers wear feathers as part of their headgear, hold an ornate and long shield in their hand with chains, beads and a loincloth called the ‘sirat’. The female dancers have an elaborate headdress, chains, beads and a ‘dress’ that reaches below their knees with intricate weaving. Gongs and other ethnic percussion instruments such as the ‘enkeromong’, ‘bendai’, ‘canang’ and ‘dumbak or ketebong’ provide the music.