Mataginifale Women's Group

Mataginifale Women's Group

The Tai communities live in Son La, Lai Chau, Yen Bai and Dien Bien provinces in the Northwest of Viet Nam. Kin Pang Then is one of Then's important rituals of the Tai people. This is the occasion where the Then master and his followers perform a thanksgiving ritual for the Then god. The ritual includes songs and music that symbolically express the journey of the Then Master to travel to the other world to look for the lost souls of the disciples/clients and to call the souls coming back to their bodies. The film is about the destined ritual Master and his ritual performance with Xoe dance for healing, good luck and well being for the local people. The film demonstrates the spiritual life and religious Then practice of the Tai in Northwestern religion in Viet Nam.

▶ Play Video 7. The T’boli A People Who Live with Art\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on September 19, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe T’boli (Tagabili, Tiboli), together with the B’laan to the east and Teduray to the north, are in a single language group distinct from the remaining language groups of Mindanao. The T’boli traditionally live in scattered ettlements in the highlands of southwestern Mindanao, in the province of South Cotabato. The cultural communities surround the complex of highland lakes—Lake Sebu, Lake Selutan, and Lake Lahit. Settlements are composed of family clusters of fifteen or more households. Clusters are at elevations averaging 3,000 feet above sea level. Recently, these settlements have grown to comprise thirty or more households. Each settlement has a ceremonial house called a gono bong (big house). Members of such communities are usually related by kinship.\n\nThe T’boli practice swidden farming, cultivating highland rice (teneba), the staple food, potato, sugar cane, taro, and sweet potato. Corn and coffee are considered cash crops. Owning a horse is an indicator of economic status. Forests function as the main source of food, and the main source of protein is lake fish.\n\nThe T’boli are noted for their backstrap loom textile, t’nalak, which is woven from tie-dyed abaca fiber. Personal ornaments made of multicolored beads and embroidered blouses and hats are other notable features of the T’boli. Small household metal industries use the lost-wax process to manufacture cast brass bolo handles, figurines and betel-nut containers, and other ornaments.\n\nWhile the kinship system is bilateral, there is a strong male dominance. The father leads the household, and the oldest male leads joint and extended families. The oldest male child takes over this dominance upon the death of the father. If there is no son, lomolo is practiced, whereby the father’s eldest brother assumes the wealth of the deceased and claims the latter’s wife as his own.\n\nThe communities are also linked through a recognized leader, the datu, who does not officially command but whose word is respected because of his status, economic means, reputed courage, skill in settling disputes, and wisdom in the interpretation of custom laws. The position is achieved through community validation. He traditionally acquires rights over a person for whom he has paid an unsettled debt.\n\nA major social ritual of the T’boli is the mo-ninum, which is usually celebrated for a marriage and includes a multilateral exchange of articles of wealth (kimu). After six ceremonial feasts, for which the families take turns being hosts (moken) and guests (mulu), the ceremony climaxes with the marriage itself. The whole cycle may take many years to complete and sometimes results in the construction of a gono mo-ninum, a huge house that can accommodate more than two hundred people.\n\nMaguindanaoMandayaKalingaSubanonTagalogManobo

There are many forms of weaving and many items which can be woven on Kosrae. These include the weave mat (kiaka otwot), fan (pal), basket (fotoh), thatch on the ridge of the roof of a house using coconut fronds (sraho), fahsuh (weaving thatch roof using Nypa palm used only), among others. Kosraean warp-striping weaving may be considered unique among weaving cultures due to its complexity. \n\nThe Kosraean word for weaving depends on the item being woven. There exists a variety of woven items which served as currency, reinforced family ties and other relationships, as well as honor. In some cases, a chant may be shared to ensure a girl’s future in weaving. In the past and on contemporary Kosrae, weaving can be found in the preparation of food baskets for funerals, fishing baskets worn on waist of women fishing in the lagoons, loom-weaving for belts (tol), thatch roofing, hats, and cordage for example. \n\nThere can be at least three known types of baskets important in food preparation: fusanie, in the form of a star and used in storing fafa, (2) usanie kapiel or fusanie sa nu which is a larger form of the previous one and woven from young coconut leaves, and (3) kuumpäl which is a kind of basket with handles made of coconut fronds and named after the woven plate. Weaving served not only a function but can be considered a marker of the past. One particular kind of cord can be called nosunap, named after the god Nosunap (also spelled Nasrunsiap or Nazuenziap). \n\nKosrae used to be one of the largest consumers of sinnet cord, suggesting significant movement. This is consistent with oral histories collected in the recent past which connected Kosraeans all the way to Satawal and Puluwat. Among the most common materials for weaving, banal fiber, hibiscus, and pandanaus stand out as the materials of choice. The preparation for each material depends on the item to be woven. While banana fibers may be most common, the hibiscus fiber is easier to dye. Dyes for strands of weaving materials may come from terminal leaves, certain types of mud, and mangrove calyx (black), turmeric (yellow), banana suckers (blue), or marinade citrijolia (red). Of these colors, red was the most prized. The preparation of weaving materials can be lengthy, depending on the plant. The hibiscus fiber needs soaking in sea water for several days while the banana fibers need to dry in the sun and then each fiber is separated into thinner strands. Elders on contemporary Kosrae continue to practice weaving for it serves many uses.\n\nCarving : Carving in Kosraean culture is carried out by the mukul (men). They carve many items, including tok yot (stone fafa pounder), tok sak (wooden pounder for taro and banana for a dish called ainpat), tah (an axe for cutting breadfruit), fuhfak (for wooden handle of an axe used for firewood), oak (canoes), tuhp in fafa (wooden tray shaped like a boat used for presenting fafa), and mwe ahryahr (wooden spoons of many types including long or short or flat ones). The laklak (outrigger of a canoe) is another item which needs to be carved. Carving of toys and wooden sculptures. Oars that are carved along with the canoes.\nBuilding Local House : There are many kinds of houses which can be built using Kosraean methods, including in um (a cooking house), imun oak (canoe house), and iwen monglac (local resting house). Building a local house has always been a community effort, even today; although, of the heavier work is done by the mukul (men) and the weaving for the thatch on the roof is carried out by the muhtacn (women). The mukul will go into the forest to obtain materials from the forest and sometimes from mangroves, depending the type of wood needed for a particular type of house. There are five main sizes of wood needed to build a house and ten parts of the house requiring these five sizes of wood. The sru (posts) are the largest size and heavy. Moving them may be accompanied with a work chant which serves as motivation in lifting, moving, or pulling of the heavy objects. The next size includes kaclacp, lala, and ohl. The kaclacp and lala supports the ohl, which sets the height of the house. The next size wood is used for pokwuhsr (trusses). The next size smaller is used for sahkpahsr (rafters) and folo (beams). The smallest size are for the kwesrihk which is only for thatch roofing (it is where the thatch can be attached) and sukunum which is placed to support the thatch from the bottom. Cutting down the trees is according to the Kosraean moon calendar as is moving the logs from one part of the island to another to use the logs. Paksak (literally, floating of objects) refers to the right time to move the log from one place to another using rivers or channels. This is dependent on the tide. This practice existed because transportation was not available during that time so they usually cut down these big logs and used the chant to get the log to the shoreline and then move the log in the process of paksak to its new location.

#bhutan #bhutaneseculture #bhutantravel #유네스코아태무형유산센터 #unesco \n\nDey-zo is an art of manufacturing paper using an indigenous plant locally called Dey-shing (Daphne: ). The term Dey refers to Daphne and zo is an art therefore, when these two words combine, an art of Daphne i.e. making paper out of Daphne pant bark. Though there are more than 21 different types of Daphne species- for paper making purpose in Bhutan are of two types; Dey-kar, white Daphne and the other is Dey-na, black Daphne.\n\nThe white Daphne grows up to four or five metres in height and has pale green oval shaped leaves and greyish bark. Its flowers are yellow at the top so they look generally yellowish, though the stems are whitish in colour. They produce a pleasant odour. White Daphne grows in Bhutan from an altitude of 1,500 to 3,500 metres in huge groves on the edge of open meadows and forests. The black Daphne, on the other hand, grows from 500 to 3,000 metres above sea level. Unlike the white Daphne, it grows as individual plants, scattered along the forest floor. Though the colour of bark is greyish, the flowers are somewhat brownish. Papers made from black Daphne are considered to be the best for its long lasting and Thsar-sho paper specially manufactured by using bamboo mat frame are normally used for writing purpose.\n\nGenerally Dey-sho comes in two different types; Tshar-sho and Re-sho. Tshar-sho is made by using a special bamboo crafted mat frame while the latter is a produce from cloth frame though both the papers’ raw materials are either white or black Daphne plant bark. However, upon the demand, paper makers also makes blue or indigo paper (Sho-na or Thing-sho) using the tshar-sho making techniques for gold script writing.\n\nPerhaps, the paper making art must have been existed in the early centuries, even before the use of words and sentences, when pictures and symbols were used as a means of communication in Bhutan as the Padma chronicles mention that "the king ordered paper to be collected in the land of the Mon." This was when the Dharma King Trisong Detsen (755-804) of invited Guru Padmasambava to Tibet in the 8th century and introduced the Tantric teachings to that land. Having completed the construction of Samye Monastery, translation of Buddha's precepts and commentary texts that are written in Sanskrit were initiated into Tibetan language through Indian pandits and incarnate translators from Tibet, but there was not enough paper in Tibet. So the king imported huge amounts of paper from the southern country (Bhutan), which enabled Tibet to produce many volumes of the scriptures. This means that trade between Tibet and Bhutan was already active at that time. The so-called shog-tang (shog-ltang), a cargo size of 1000 sheets of Daphne paper, were transported to Tibet in large quantities for trade purposes. This means that very early in history, papermaking was passed down from generation to generation, from father to son, from son to son, and so on.\n\nGradually, as the demand for paper increased, the paper industry in the country expanded, especially in the 17th century when great changes took place in the country after the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651). At that time, the demand for paper increased greatly at the central government, monastic community and monastery levels, leading to a nationwide expansion in the production and use of paper especially for printing purpose.\n\nPaper manufacturing units were instituted in Dzongs and employed five people either form the monastic body or from the lay citizens for papermaking. The raw materials such as daphne bark, ash, etc. were supplied by the residents of the respective dzongkhag as tax. The dzongkhag administrations then transported the paper cargoes to the central government and ensured proper remuneration. The skilled workers at the papermaking centers were also appointed from the villages and households in the district, who were exempt from other charges such as labor, fodder, firewood, and pounded rice. A load Shog-tang as mentioned above, was a bundle of 1000 sheets of paper. (Lam Kezang Chophel, 2021). Normally a single sheet of paper measures approximately 75x110 cm and colloquially it is called pheg-pang.\n\nAlthough, papermaking was once a thriving art until 1970 yet, due to the development progress in the country and introduction of imported papers such as books and note books has gradually affected in declining number of paper production centres in the country.\n\nFor more information\nhttps://www.ichlinks.com/archive/elements/elementsV.do?elementsUid=13874507459569673284

Nepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.

Webinar: “Life, Environment, and ICH along the Silk Roads”\n\n<Day 1>\n\n1. 'The Need to Shift from Global to Local' by Helena Norberg-Hodge\n2. 'On Cooperative Mechanism for the Silk Roads ICH toward Sustainable Development' by Seong-Yong Park\n3. 'Vitality and Sustainability of the Silk Roads ICH Festivals' by Alisher Ikramov\n4. 'The Water-Performance Installation Project—Art Practice for the Coexistence of Humanity and Nature in the Silk Roads Region' by Dong-jo Yoo\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession1 : Online Strategic Meeting on Silk Roads ICH Networking\n: Case Studies on the Vitalization of the Silk Roads ICH: ICH Festivals & Sustainable Development\n\n1. 'Case of Tajikistan : Role of Festivals for ICH Safeguarding Within Local Communities' by Dilshod Rahimi\n2. 'Case of Kyrgyzstan: Influences and Effects of ICH Festivals on Local Communities' by Sabira Soltongeldieva\n3. 'Case of Kazakhstan: ICH Festivals’ Influence and Effects on Local Communities' by Khanzada Yessenova\n4. 'Andong International Mask Dance Festival: Realization of Folkloric Values and Transmission of ICH' by Ju Ho Kim\n5. 'Case of Turukmenistan : Future of ICH Safeguarding' by Shohrat Jumayev\n\n<Day 2>\n\nSession2: Cooperation and Solidarity for Operating the ICH Network along the Silk Roads\n\n1. 'On the Feasibility of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Sangcheol Kim\n2. 'Operational Issues of the Network' by Alim Feyzulayev\n3. 'Cultural Context of a CIOFF Festival' by Philippe Beaussant\n4. 'ICH Festivals in Specific Goal and Task' by Kaloyan Nikolov\n5. 'Identifying Ways to Develop Intangible Heritage Festivals through Community Networks (Focusing on the Case of the Gijisi Tug-of-War Festival)' by Daeyoung Ko\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession3: Collaborative Work and Benefits through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network\n\n1. 'Scope and Definition of Collaborative Work through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Kwon Huh\n2. 'Cooperative Measures for Festivals in the Silk Road Region' by Jahangir Selimkhanov\n3. 'ichLinks: Information-Sharing Platform as a Key Base for Safeguarding and Use of Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific' by Sangmook Park\n4. 'Case Study: Silk Roads Heritage Corridor - Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Iran' by Krista Pikkat\n5. 'UNESCO Silk Road Online Platform' by Mehrdad Shabahang\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion

ICH Video Production in the Asia-Pacific Region : Central Asia\n\nRapid urbanization and westernization are changing the environments in which intangible cultural heritage is rooted. The importance of documentation that traces the effect of social changes on intangible cultural heritage is being emphasized as a safeguarding measure. Quality video documentation is an important resource that enables the conservation and transmission of existing intangible cultural heritage and raises its visibility.\n\nVideo documentation is the best medium to record intangible cultural heritage in the most lifelike manner, using the latest technologies. It is also an effective tool for communicating with the public. However, conditions for video production in the Asia-Pacific remain poor, requiring extensive support for quality video documentation.\n\nICHCAP has been working to build the safeguarding capabilities of Member States and raise the visibility of intangible cultural heritage in the Asia-Pacific by supporting the true-to-life documentation of intangible cultural heritage as this heritage is practiced and cooperating with experts, communities, and NGOs in related fields.\n\nSince 2010, ICHCAP has hosted annual Central Asian sub-regional network meetings with Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Mongolia to support the ICH safeguarding activities of Central Asia. Through their collaboration, ICHCAP has supported projects involving collecting ICH information, producing ICH websites, and constructing ICH video archives.\n\nAt the Sixth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Jeonju in 2015, ICHCAP, four Central Asian countries, and Mongolia adopted a second three-year cooperation project plan on producing ICH videos to enhance the visibility of ICH in Central Asia.\n\nICHCAP developed guidelines and training programs for the project and invited video and ICH experts from the participating countries, and held a workshop in November 2015. After the workshop, focal points for the project were designated in each country, and each focal point organization formed an expert meeting and a video production team to produce ICH videos.\n\nInterim reports were submitted to ICHCAP in February 2016, and the first preview screening was held in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, during the Seventh Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in May 2016. Since then, each country has carried out the project according to the project plan. ICHCAP met with each country between October 2016 to February 2017 to check on the project progress.\n\nAfter the final preview screening during the Eighth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in 2017, final editing process took place in each country, and fifty ICH videos were completed by October 2017.\n\nAll photos introduced on this page along with fifty ICH videos are from the exhibition 'Living Heritage: Wisdom of Life' held in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Korea. Designed for introducing various ICH in the five countries, this exhibition shows photos on representative twenty elements in each country collected during the process of on-site survey and documentation for ICH Video Production Project in Central Asia by experts participated in the ICH video production project.\n\nICHCAP will continue its ICH documentation projects in the Asia-Pacific region for the next ten years by expanding the scope from Central Asia and Mongolia to Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, and the Pacific.\n\n\nPartners\nMongolian National Commission for UNESCO • National Commission of the Kyrgyz Republic for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Tajikistan for UNESCO • Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage Mongolia • National Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage under the National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • School of Fine Art and Technical Design named after Abylkhan Kasteyev • State Institute of Arts and Culture of Uzbekistan • Tajik film • Tajikistan Research Institute of Culture Information • Korea Educational Broadcasting System • Asia Culture Center\n\nSupporters\nUNESCO Almaty and Tashkent Cluster Offices • Cultural Heritage Administration • Panasonic Korea • Turkish Airlines

2020 World Forum for Intangible Cultural Heritage - Human, Nature, and Intangible Cultural Heritage\n\nSession1: Re-defining the Relationship Between Humanity and Nature\n\nKeynote Presentation :'Re-defining the Relationship Between Humanity and Nature' by Ernesto Ottone Ramirez, Assistant Director-General for Culture of UNESCO\n1. 'Intangible Cultural Heritages in the Anthropocene' by Buhm Soon Park, Director, Center for Anthropocene Studies at KAIST\n2. 'Sustainable Agriculture in Nature, Micronesian Agroforestry' by Francis Reg, Head of the Yap States Historic Preservation Office (HPO)\n3. 'Intangible Cultural Heritage as Protection, Avalanche Risk Management' by Michael Bruendl, Head Research Group Avalanche Dynamics and Risk Management, WSL Institute for Snow and Avalanche Research SLF\n4. 'Pacific Islands of the Anthropocene' by Elizabeth DeLoughrey, Professor of University of California, Los Angeles\n\nSession2: Humanity's Response to the Crisis and Intangible Cultural Heritage\n\nSpecial Lecture : 'Future of Humanity, Ecological Turn, and the Role of ICH' by Jae Chun Choe, Chair Professor of Ewha Womans University, Former Chair of UN Convention of Biological Diversity\n1. 'Mitigating “Nature Deficit”: lndigeneous Language and Oral Literature' by Chidi Oguamanam Professor of Law at University of Ottawa\n2. 'India's Disaster Reduction and Management through ICH' by Rahul Goswami, UNESCO ICH Facilitator\n3. 'Sea Ethics as Intangible Cultural Heritage' by Kumi Kato, Professor of Faculty of Tourism, Wakayama University, Japan\n4. 'Building Ecosystem and Community Resilience in Asia and the Pacific Region' by Sinikinesh Beyene Jimma, Regional Coordinator, United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP)\n\nSession3: Intangible Cultural Heritage in Our Daily Lives, Towards a New Age\n\nSpecial Lecture : 'Role of Communities in Promoting Environmental Sustainability and ICH' by Micheael Mason Director, Smithsonian Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage\n1. 'The Role of NGOs in Safeguarding ICH and Environmental Sustainability' by Greg Mitchell, President and Chairman of the Board of the Pacific Blue Foundation, Professor Emeritus of UCSD\n2. 'Nature, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Law' by Anita Vaivade, Assistant Professor of Latvian Academy of Culture\n3. 'Role of the State in ICH Safeguarding in the COVID-19 Pandemic' by Eric Babar Zerrudo, Assistant Professor of University of Santo Tomas\n4. 'Joining our Voices in ICH Youth Network' by ICH Youth Network (Korea National University of Cultural Heritage)\n

This is the history of how native Yapese learned to use indigenous betel nuts (areca nuts). Native Yapese added pepper leaf and coral lime powder to betel nut and called it langad. Langad was not used by the native Yapese until it was introduced by a friendly ghost who was stranded on the main island of Yap several hundreds of years ago. The ghost, whose name was Llong, was left behind by his companion Luug. Llong then settled himself at the Ron’uw village in the northwestern part of the island. For some reason, Llong relocated himself to Gilyaboch village on the Gakaan peninsula on the western side of the island. There he lived and began making and setting fish traps along the water. Day after day, the natives saw him and wondered what he was doing in the water and who he was. The natives approached him and became friends with him. Llong taught them how to make fish traps and how to set them in the water to catch fish. When setting the traps, branchy corals were required to be placed on and around the traps to cover them. Collecting branchy corals almost every day for the traps, the natives asked Llong if those corals were edible, seeing that they were almost everywhere in the fishing ground. He replied that they were edible, but needed to be processed in advance. So they collected some of the branchy corals and brought them onto land. Thereafter, Llong taught and showed them how to make lime powder out of branchy corals. Llong explained that the powder shouldn’t be taken alone, but could only be taken with two more elements. Llong ordered the natives to bring betel nuts and pepper leaves. Native Yapese at that time used the trunks of betel nut trees only for building houses, but did not use the nuts. Llong gathered everything up and demonstrated how it use it. He added a little amount of powder in a split betel nut and wrapped a piece of pepper leaf around it, putting it in his mouth and chewing on it. After he chewed the mixture, he spat the bloody red liquid out of his mouth. It looked very interesting to the natives, so they tried it right away. Eventually, everyone had a chance to try the newly discovered products. They all felt high from using them and began singing, dancing, and enjoying the sensation until they all felt tired and wanted to take a nap. During their naps, Llong bestowed his blessings upon the langad ingredients so the natives would have the interest or the urge to use them again. When they woke up from the short nap, they were sober and all surprised to see the redness on their lips as well as the spit marks on the ground. They got worried and concerned that their chief in Lamear village might find out what they had done, so they kept it a secret from him. Later, they decided to pay the chief a visit and present him the langad. The chief tried it for the first time and was very impressed. He showed his great excitement, saying that he had never experienced such a euphoria. From then on, he proclaimed the tradition that the people should offer him the langad on a regular basis. This is the story of how native Yapese started using betel nuts. It began in Gilyaboch village, but quickly spread to their chief in Lamear village and to other allies on the island. This knowledge of chewing betel nut with coral lime powder spread throughout the island and became a tradition of the Yapese culture hundreds of years ago. Langad is now a part of daily lives in Yap. It is widely used for social gatherings, community meetings and events, funerals, and so much more.

The chaudike is a string instrument. Chaudike songs are most popular in the northern part of Karnataka, especially near Dharwad, where goddess Yellamma is worshipped by millions of people. The songs are built around the story of Jamadagni and his wife Renuka. In Saundatti (Dharwad, Karnataka), Renuka is known as Yellamma. The rise of Renuka as a mother goddess was perhaps the result of a complex merging of numerous personalities and myths. Renuka is most popular among the lower castes, such as the Pariahs, who are the performers in this recording. The community of Devadasis performs rituals that include Chaudike songs at Renuka shrines. These songs tell the story of Jamadagni, Renuka, and their son Parashurama.

This is a lullaby chant about characters called Bui (grandma) and Drose (jellyfish). It literally tells a story of a Coqeloa, an endemic pigeon from Bua & Vanua Levu in Fiji. It is known in other parts of Fiji as Soqeloa. The lyrics of the lullaby relate the life of this beautiful bird with its beautiful melodies and soft tune. It could also have a colloquial/idiomatic meaning related to the life of a bird looking for life in wildlife associated with the geographical location of the baby’s home, village, clan, community, time, space, culture, heritage, history, and lifestyle.

This is a story about traditional dances and attire in Yap, Federated States of Micronesia. Traditional dances tell stories of different topics such as suffering, inter-village relationships, and romantic experiences. These stories serve to transfer knowledge from generation to generation, and some of them help transmit moral lessons through lyrics and words used in the dances. Normally, it is a way of remembering events and occasions in the past that mark an important point in the history of the village, persons, community, etc. The traditional attire used consists of men’s and women’s clothes that signify the physical development of each gender and that further break down by occasions, such as daywear and those associated with special occasions.

Yapese traditional dances are performed during village/municipal cultural activities or events. They are performed by men and women and are sometimes performed during a chief’s ceremonial events. These performances break down into bamboo dance, standing dance, and sitting dance.

Serenicumu literally means “bumping songs,” a genre of popular music that is widespread throughout Fiji today and is performed in villages as well as at local resorts and hotels. These songs are covers of or are influenced by styles from Europe and America as well as from other Pacific islands or the Caribbean (particularly reggae). They are often performed at informal yaqona drinking sessions and are also associated with informal dance types broadly termed tauratale or danisi (taken from the English word ”dance”).\n\nThe exact origin of the genre is obscure. Serenicumu is said to be associated with the first legally allowed sales of beer to Indigenous Fijians in the 1920s in Suva, and it is suggested that this genre originated from parties where men bumped their drinking glasses together. Another source further adds that this music was originally called sere ni cumu saqa (saqa meaning “barrel” or “tankard”) and that it referred to the practice of Fijian men sitting in a circle at a table and resting their heads against their tankards of beer. Many serenicumu songs still performed today date from World War II―an intense period of creativity for this genre―when soldiers from the US, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Australia interacted extensively with Fijians.\n\nCurrently, musicians distinguish two main styles of serenicumu: trio and sere bass (also called sere makawa or “old songs,” even though they may be fifteen or more years old). Sere bass performance features a large group of bass vocalists (bass/besi) in addition to three solo voice parts: tatabani/tatabana, domo tolu/vakababa, and laga/lagalaga in descending order in terms of their vocal range. Only the three solo parts are heard in trio. The types and roles of the instruments, their tuning, and their playing techniques have also changed over time. The technique of vadivadi (plucking), which characterized sere bass guitar performance in the past, has been replaced by various “scrumming” (strumming) for the rhythm guitar and a range of left- and right-handed techniques for the lead guitarist. The only chords used in sere bass were dua(tonic), rua (subdominant), and tolu (dominant), whereas trio also featured warning (seventh), minus (minor), and flat (supertonic) chords.\n\nAnyone can participate in sere bass performance, which makes it ideal for use at large social gatherings. Trio performers are expected to perform to a high standard and are usually heard at small social functions such as yaqona drinking sessions.\nThe tempo tends to be slower and the overall pitch lower in sere bass when compared to trio. Sere bass, being closer stylistically to meke, tends to be preferred by older people (those in their mid-40s and above) and provides them with a means to connect with and celebrate their cultural roots. Trio, which tends to be popular with those in their 20s and 30s, exhibits a greater degree of Westernization than sere bass, but it is still regarded as being part of the serenicumu oral tradition that has been passed down through the generations and that continues to change as new songs are continually added to the repertoire and old ones fall into disuse.

CD4 QUAN HỌ BẮC NINH IN THE NORTH VIETNAM\nQuan họ,a special alternate singing between men and women, was once only available in Kinh Bắc region in northern Vietnam. Traditional Quan họ was previously the folk art of forty-nine villages in Kinh Bắc, which is presently Bắc Ninh and Bắc Giang provinces.Quan họ singing has been associated with twining occasions in the past. Quan họ is often sung between two groups, called bọn Quan họ, who are living in two different villages and wanting to strike up friendship with each other. During annual festivals or their free time, the Quan họ people sing to satisfy their demand for exchanging art. They sing throughout the day and night. The twining relationship between the Quan họ performers as artistic and intimate friends has continued from forefathers to descendants; thus, they are never allowed to marry each other. Quan họ is one of the few musical forms that has alternate singing between men and women and lyrical love-exchange lyrics but has no the function of love-exchange in daily life as other love-exchange folksongs.\n\nNevertheless, Quan họ is sung not only by twinning Quan họ people but also by others from other places. People can sing Quan họ at many locations; for example, they can perform it at houses at night on normal days, at temples on festivals, on hills, in the forest, along the street, at ponds, or on boat.In Quan họ singing, the male group is called liền anh, and the female group is called liền chị. Traditional Quan họ is pair singing without accompaniment. One of the pair is in charge of singing, leading the tune while the other sings as a secondary part. These two people have to be selected and trained to be in perfect harmony at the same timbre. In addition to pair singing, there is group singing, which is performed on congratulatoory and worshipping occasions. The male group sings in response to the female one. Four typical singing techniques of Quan họ are resonant, ringing, restrained, and staccato.

In the iTaukei Fijian culture, raising children is everyone’s responsibility. It is therefore everyone’s business to learn, memorize, and recite the chant correctly. Each chant, or make, is unique to the families, clans, and communities. Chants for children often take the form of poems that proclaim the identity of the clan and their origins. For example, a chant composed for children who are from inland of the two main islands in Fiji would be different from those created for children from maritime and coastal tribes. Children’s chants are composed to suit different stages of childhood development and their activities. Vakamoce gone, or bedtime chants, are sung to put children to sleep and would therefore be recited with a soft, soothing monotone. This is an early introduction of language to the subconscious being of a child. \n\nMeanwhile, Vakawele gone are chants sung to draw full attention of a child when they are awake, and, therefore, are performed at fast tempo with a playful tone. Vakaqito gone are chants sung to engage a child in a game. They are participatory in nature and contribute to development of a child’s sensory movements and social skills.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

Together with the UNESCO National Commissions in the Central Asia, the Seventh Central Asi Sub-regional Meeting on the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage was held between 16 and 18 May at Dushanbe, Tajikistan.\n\nThe report includes papers of the thematic symposium on Sacred Cultural Spaces, Safeguarding ICH and Enhancing Identity and country reports.

“ICH and Gender” introduces the mutual relationship between gender norms and ICH and emphasizes that understanding the intimacy between ICH and gender is important for effective ICH safeguarding and gender equality.\n\n

This book contains ten good practices from five Asia-Pacific countries (Nepal, Vietnam, Uzbekistan, India, and Kyrgyzstan) selected through an international contest in 2022. Through this publication, the authors highlight the status of traditional crafts in their respective countries and showcase how traditional crafts contribute to sustainable development within communities, focusing on policies, programs, and activities such as marketing, consulting, and capacity development.\n\nPreviously overshadowed by mass-produced crafts in the market, traditional crafts have gained new importance today in the context of sustainable development, including ecosystem conservation, climate change, job creation, and economic growth. They are now acknowledged as a promising foundation, forming the basis of a new economic model based on well-being and contentment, extending beyond the realms of community sustenance and economic expansion.\n\nICHCAP aims to raise awareness of the significance of traditional crafts in this context and strengthen the network of craft experts and institutions. Moreover, the publication seeks to explore ways in which traditional crafts can be passed down in a modernized manner. Furthermore, the good practices featured in this publication can be linked to various programs of domestic and international craft-related institutions, aiming to enhance awareness of traditional crafts.

Lialiaci is a publication of the iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Ministry of iTaukei Affairs. Lialiaci means to ponder or reflect upon deeply. \nThat is the intent of these articles and perspectives on culture.