Traditional coastal communities possess marine knowledge that enable them to live with and live on resources in different eco-niches like intertidal strands, mangroves, mudflats, beach forest, and coral reefs. Chao Lay (which means Sea People in Thai language) or former sea nomads of Thailand are indigenous groups who used to make temporary settlement on islands and along the coastal areas. The sub-groups of Moken, Moklen and Urak Lawoi, total of 43 villages in southern Thailand, have intangible marine heritage that facilitate their wise uses of marine and forest areas for centuries. The Chao Lay are said to have the great ability in, “reading the water to remember the wind, and reading the sky to remember the star” (Kuain 2008). At present, marine knowledge and skills remain significant in some communities. The case in point is Rawai beach community in Phuket Province in southern Thailand, where two sub-groups of Chao Lay, the Urak Lawoi and the Moken have chosen this area as a settlement hundreds of years ago; not only because of the shallow water near the beach and the nearby coral reefs, but also because it is a bay that is sheltered from the winds from two directions. So the place is very suitable for both living and for foraging and fishing with abundant land and marine resources. The knowledge of settlement site selection is very crucial, and most of the Chao Lay villages on the islands and shore are located in the bay or beach protected from the wind and storm. Fresh water can be easily found nearby in the form of spring, stream, or pond.

The tug-of-war is one of the most well-known intangible cultural heritage elements that represent the Republic of Korea. Tug-of-war games were widely enjoyed by people across the country before the 1930s and 1940s. During the 1960s, the tug-of-war came under the protection of the Cultural Heritage Conservation Policy and has been appointed and is being managed by local and national governments. Locally, eight tug-of-war traditions have been inscribed on the national inventory list. Moreover, compared to other ICH element studies, of the element has been significantly researched.\n\nTug-of-war is a cultural heritage element of many East Asian nations, and these nations are preparing to nominate the element to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this context, the goal of this paper is to discover universal traits in tug-of-war traditions in East Asia. However, besides the Republic of Korea and Japan, there is insufficient research on tug-of-war traditions in the region, which limits the scope of this presentation. In case of China, despite the existence of various records on tug-of-war in literature, the tradition as it exists in China today seems to be more of a sports match than a ritual event. I would also like to mention that this paper is a draft based on document records, the Internet, and the academic symposium hosted by Gijisi Tug-of-War Conservation Institute.

"At the beginning of the workshop, I would like to introduce some of ICHCAP’s concerns and discuss our mission and tasks related to intangible cultural heritage. \n1) Introduction \nAs we are all aware, the Asia-Pacific region has very abundant and diverse cultural heritage. More than half of the world’s population, 3.5 billion people, is living in the forty-eight Member States, and they make up the diverse ethnic, traditional, religious, and cultural backgrounds that give the region such rich heritage. \nHowever, the cultural identities of Asia-Pacific people have been challenged by the long process of colonisation, westernisation, and modernisation, all of which have also changed ways of life and thinking as well as culture and value systems. Industrialisation, urbanisation, and globalisation have sped up socio-economic and cultural transformations through which many valuable customs, rituals, and norms of traditional communities, as well as a lot of their cultural heritage, have been forgotten and lost. Whereas tangible cultural heritage elements, such as towers, temples, and statues, have remained and will continue to exist as long as they are not destroyed in war or by environmental decay, the more precious intangible elements, which are created and transmitted through the spirit of humanity and human skill, have slowly disappeared, and in some countries and societies, not only has this intangible culture been discontinued but also even the slightest traces of the traditional culture have been completely lost. \nRegrettably, due to the aging of skilled practitioners and the lack of apprentices learning traditional skills, many excellent performing arts and crafts skills are in danger of vanishing. So in general, it would be fair to say that ICH in the Asia-Pacific region is very fragile and vulnerable to the rapid social transformation. \nThe sudden loss and disappearance of intangible heritage has negatively affected the moral and value systems of traditional societies and has damaged traditional "

The consumption of vitamins and minerals is essential to endure the harsh winters of Korea. Today, we can easily buy fresh vegetables at a supermarket, even in winter. But in times before greenhouses and imported agricultural products, how did our ancestors obtain vegetables? In the past, people salted vegetables in the autumn and consumed them through midwinter until the following spring. The famous Korean dish kimchi, made using a fermentation method, is a representative example of these preserved vegetables.

"In a region as geographically immense and culturally diverse as the Pacific, intangible cultural heritage must be seen in terms of diverse worldviews, each with its own knowledge system and philosophy of life that structures and informs. This section addresses how intangible cultural heritage is reflected through specific cultural worldviews. As specific and unique as they are, however, each Pacific worldview can be seen as having a commonality structured by three dimensions: the spiritual, the physical, and the afterlife or ancestral realm. \nDespite their commonalities, the themes in this section still represent Pacific elements of knowing, philosophy, governance, and wisdom that sculpt life from vastly unique perspectives. The Tongan concept of heliaki, for instance, is not just a knowledge of language and prose, but rather a construct through which the Tongans build views about themselves and their interactions as well as the hierarchy within their society. In a similar way, Palauan place names are much more than words to mark locations; they are capsules of knowledge, events, and history that help the Palauan people identify themselves and their connections to one another. In these and the other themes in this section, the included values incorporate how the Pacific peoples perceive reality and interconnectedness and how their knowledge has shaped their worlds."

"Whether we call it clan, kin, family, tribe, or community, there are multiple ways of knowing and identifying ourselves in the Pacific. A few of these ways are captured here. This section explores how social relationships and their hierarchies within the Pacific islands are vital ways of understanding intangible cultural heritage. Social and spiritual rituals, religious ceremonies, and various other cultural practices reflect how Pacific islanders prioritize social cohesion as a pathway to sustainable prosperity, ensuring the transformation of skills, knowledge, and wisdom for survival. \nThe themes in this section are pivotal to ICH because relationships represent an important organizing principle of life among Pacific islanders and determine how intangible heritage can be safeguarded. Relationships are marked in ceremonial events and rituals such as the communal harvest of balolo in Fiji and other ceremonies such as the bel kol in PNG. Likewise, the omengat, the first-birth ceremony in Palau, brings unrelated clans and families together and is central to family ties and social cohesion. The essays on these and other topics collected in this section illustrate that Pacific islanders take care to mark and honor relationships important to them, as these relationships ensure family, clan, and tribal ties and help to achieve enhanced social cohesion and sustainability."

During the Soviet era, the issue of preservation of cultural heritage, including intangible heritage, was a key concern on colonial grounds in Uzbekistan. Attempts were made to bury Uzbek and other cultures in the depths of history by falsely glorifying Russian history, denying the originality of national republics, turning a blind eye to them, finding and destroying the values of nations and peoples under the guise of creating the Soviet people, unscientific and religious heresy, and superstition. The tourist organizations Intourist and Sputnik, which were subordinate to Moscow and collected funds, were established, while the Yodgorlik (“Memorial”) historical and cultural heritage preservation society was responsible for the management of cultural heritage in Uzbekistan. Yodgorlik was actually structured as a public organization, under the control of the Communist Party and the Supreme Soviet (except the KGB). In particular, the honorary chairman of Yodgorlik was the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.