Hat boi Folk Opera in Binh Dinh Province, listed in the National ICH List in 2014 \nThe Art of Tuong in Quang Nam, listed in the National ICH List in 2015 \nTuong is a traditional classical play based on Vietnamese folk songs, dances, and music, and is also called hat bo, or hat boi. The central themes of Tuong include individual sacrifice for a greater cause, imparting lessons about human behavior, and featuring heroic characters. These themes are portrayed aesthetically throughout the performances. It was performed as entertainment for the king and his \nmen at royal banquets or court ceremonies. Today, state-run theater groups perform in established theaters, and folk theater groups perform for village communities during festivals. In Tuong, the face of each character is painted carefully before the performance. The colors used are mainly white, red, blue or green, and black. The colors and patterns used on the faces have symbolic meanings and representations: a white face symbolizes gentleness and quietness; red stands for wisdom, courage, and staunchness; a striped face signifies an ugly person with a hot temper. Decorating the corners of the nose with a cloud-shaped line is necessary for the role of a king.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Tạ Ôn Đình\nTướng motif\nTướng motif is the character type that inherit some traits on manners, actions, and choreography of kép that is brawny in type: Assertive, swift, powerful singing-dialogues delivery.\nHowever, the significant detail to pay attention to is their makeup being made as mask-like, which they are diverse with various stylised expressions. Depends on their role in the play,\nwe have protagonist tướng (the tướng that belongs in the good side and loyal) such as Trịnh Ân, Hoàng Phi Hổ, etc; and villain tướng (the tướng that are evil and vindictive), Ô Lợi Hắc.\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above,\nwith social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don't hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương,) Tiết Quỳ, etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Phàn Phụng Cơ\nĐào văn\nIntellectual đào: Has the general traits of đào motif, elegant and graceful manners; innocent singing and dialogues. In which there is “royal đào" being the type of character that participates in official royal affairs. Example: Tạ Nguyệt Kiều. And then “simple đào/hairpin đào” is a peasant character type, or the character that has a prestige origin but fallen into peasantry; she wouldn't have any fancy headwear but only a simple hair pin. Example: Điều Huê Nữ.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Vương Doãn\n“Lão” is a term to describe male characters (kép) that are elderly. With their brows and hair are white and gray; unhurried in movements; and a raspy singing-dialogue delivery. Additionally, there are also different techniques to portray their raspy voice delivery that can be categorised as follow:\nINTELLECTUAL LÃO\nInclude full characteristics of lão motif: white face, gray beard with three/five long smooth branches; educated and sophisticated.\nExample: Vương Doãn (the play “Phụng Nghi pavillon”); Kiều Quốc cựu (the play “The Beauty from Giang Đông region”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of mụ female character Đồng Mẫu\nMỤ MOTIF\n“Mụ” is the type of female character (đào) that is elderly, their makeup tends to be light, with white eyebrows, silver hair, slow in movement; raspy singing-dialogues delivery. The majority of mụ motif are intellectual type, with a gentle and considerate manner. Example: Đổng mẫu (the play “San Hậu”); Dương linh bà (the play “Mộc Quế Anh offers the wood”) despite her origin as a fiery general but often expressed as a prestige and sophisticated woman.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Đổng Trác\nĐổng Trác is a villain, portraited in nịnh motif. \n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Lữ Bố\n“Kép” is a term to describe male characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle aged male, with a light makeup face (using beard to distinguish). This is a simple makeup style, reserved for characters that are handsome, or ordinary; they tend to be the psychological character that doesn’t need dramatic makeup to express their personality. Following the kép motif is the type of singing technique- with graceful and sophisticated dialogues. The common characters from kép motif (or can be called “kép in white”) are Tiết Đinh San, Tiết Ứng Luông (the play “The Goddess that offers Ngũ Linh flag”) Bá Ấp Khảo (the play “Bá Ấp Khảo”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Chung Vô Diệm\nĐÀO motif\n“Đào" is a term to describe female characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle-aged females, where their makeup tends to be light and their presences are elegant, with innocent singing-dialogue delivery. In đào motif, only the character Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, and Ngọc Kỳ Lân have their makeup as mask-like, the rest of them all have light makeup face. \nĐào võ\nBrawny đào: Possess full traits of đào motif, however she is assertive and stern; powerful singing-dialogue delivery. Example: Thần Nữ; Đoàn Hồng Ngọc; etc. Additionally, the mentioned characters that have mask-like makeup (Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, Ngọc Kỳ Lân) are a part of brawny đào motif. They are portrayed in a dramatic style to reflect their strong personality and extraordinary talent.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Phàn Diệm\nKÉP WITH ANGRY EYES\nIs a kép motif that has more than just the general traits, but also a more extravagant styling in costuming. They have a red face makeup base; with a white eyes and dramatic eyebrows that are high up to the temple. This dramatic appearance only reflects their extraordinary characters for a teenage boy. Namely characters like Phàn Diệm (the play “San Hậu”); or the character Trịnh n (the play “Sentencing Trịnh n”) that is also a part of kép with angry eyes, but he would have a face makeup colour base in ashy gray or black. This genre of kép with angry eyes, or can be called as “young kép” is often paired with an older character (could be their father- like the characters Phàn Định Công, Trịnh n), their extraordinary appearance foreshadowing the talents that would emerge once they are matured.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Đổng Kim Lân\nKÉP IN RED\nIs a character motif that is based on the characteristics of kép motif (kép in white), however, the base makeup colour of the character tends to be in bright red or reddish pink. This is the character type that is loyal and determined in hát bội aesthetic. Example: Quan Vũ (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”); Đổng Kim Lân (the play “San Hậu”); Cao Hoài Đức (the play “Sentencing Trịnh Ân”), etc.\n\nMiniature statue of yêu đạo turtle master character Dư Hồng\nYêu đạo motif\nSimilar like tướng motif, yêu đạo motif has a distinctive dramatic element of hát bội. However, yêu đạo tends to be portrayed as villain characters, in which they possess opposite traits from the protagonist, power abuser, with a sense of justice according to feudal law. Moreover, these characters tend to start off with non-human origins, they’ve honed their magical ability to become human so it made their manners appear animalistic. The character makeups are also suggestive of the manners and symbolism of their background. Examples such as Dư Hồng is originally a red bird that trained itself into human form so the eye makeup mimics a bird motif, with a red face makeup base. The design of yêu đạo/ turtle master tends to use weirdly big eyes to express an eerie manner, big tummy to indicate magic (or it could be called bụng phép), with costume similar to the Taoist monks.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Phàn Định Công\nBRAWNY LÃO\nIn appearance, they also shared similarities like the lão motif. If there’s a difference, then it’d be their face makeup base coloured in red. The difference between intellectual lão and brawny lão- their performance manners. Brawny lão would have more decisive and assertive movements, and a more powerful singing-dialogue delivery.\nSAGGY LÃO\nSimilar to kép with angry eyes motif in kép motif, saggy lão motif is a lão motif that exceeds the usual characteristics and is portrayed in a dramatic styling. With a red face, a white under eye that extends to the cheeks, white beard; hot-headed and decisive. Example: Phàn Định Công (the play “San Hậu”); Trình Giảo Kim (the play “Phàn Lê Huê conquer the Hồng Thủy battle”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Khương Linh Tá\nKÉP IN GREEN / FOREST KÉP / MOUNTAIN KÉP\nTheir face makeup tends to be in faded gray or green; with high eyes and brows (depends on the traditional character design of the region and the troup). This character type tends to have a peasantry manner, down-to-earth, with the colour palette of faded gray and green to indicate a humbling origin as a farming man. Example: Khương Linh Tá (the play “San Hậu”); Châu Sáng (the play “Losing Nam Dương fortress”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of nịnh male character Tạ Lôi Nhược\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above, with social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don’t hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”) Tiết Quỳ (The play “Tiết Giao steals the pearl”), etc.\nTạ Lôi Nhược is a minor tướng character, in combination of feeble nịnh character.

Hat boi Folk Opera in Binh Dinh Province, listed in the National ICH List in 2014 \nThe Art of Tuong in Quang Nam, listed in the National ICH List in 2015 \nTuong is a traditional classical play based on Vietnamese folk songs, dances, and music, and is also called hat bo, or hat boi. The central themes of Tuong include individual sacrifice for a greater cause, imparting lessons about human behavior, and featuring heroic characters. These themes are portrayed aesthetically throughout the performances. It was performed as entertainment for the king and his \nmen at royal banquets or court ceremonies. Today, state-run theater groups perform in established theaters, and folk theater groups perform for village communities during festivals. In Tuong, the face of each character is painted carefully before the performance. The colors used are mainly white, red, blue or green, and black. The colors and patterns used on the faces have symbolic meanings and representations: a white face symbolizes gentleness and quietness; red stands for wisdom, courage, and staunchness; a striped face signifies an ugly person with a hot temper. Decorating the corners of the nose with a cloud-shaped line is necessary for the role of a king.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Tạ Ôn Đình\nTướng motif\nTướng motif is the character type that inherit some traits on manners, actions, and choreography of kép that is brawny in type: Assertive, swift, powerful singing-dialogues delivery.\nHowever, the significant detail to pay attention to is their makeup being made as mask-like, which they are diverse with various stylised expressions. Depends on their role in the play,\nwe have protagonist tướng (the tướng that belongs in the good side and loyal) such as Trịnh Ân, Hoàng Phi Hổ, etc; and villain tướng (the tướng that are evil and vindictive), Ô Lợi Hắc.\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above,\nwith social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don't hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương,) Tiết Quỳ, etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Phàn Phụng Cơ\nĐào văn\nIntellectual đào: Has the general traits of đào motif, elegant and graceful manners; innocent singing and dialogues. In which there is “royal đào" being the type of character that participates in official royal affairs. Example: Tạ Nguyệt Kiều. And then “simple đào/hairpin đào” is a peasant character type, or the character that has a prestige origin but fallen into peasantry; she wouldn't have any fancy headwear but only a simple hair pin. Example: Điều Huê Nữ.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Vương Doãn\n“Lão” is a term to describe male characters (kép) that are elderly. With their brows and hair are white and gray; unhurried in movements; and a raspy singing-dialogue delivery. Additionally, there are also different techniques to portray their raspy voice delivery that can be categorised as follow:\nINTELLECTUAL LÃO\nInclude full characteristics of lão motif: white face, gray beard with three/five long smooth branches; educated and sophisticated.\nExample: Vương Doãn (the play “Phụng Nghi pavillon”); Kiều Quốc cựu (the play “The Beauty from Giang Đông region”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of mụ female character Đồng Mẫu\nMỤ MOTIF\n“Mụ” is the type of female character (đào) that is elderly, their makeup tends to be light, with white eyebrows, silver hair, slow in movement; raspy singing-dialogues delivery. The majority of mụ motif are intellectual type, with a gentle and considerate manner. Example: Đổng mẫu (the play “San Hậu”); Dương linh bà (the play “Mộc Quế Anh offers the wood”) despite her origin as a fiery general but often expressed as a prestige and sophisticated woman.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Đổng Trác\nĐổng Trác is a villain, portraited in nịnh motif. \n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Lữ Bố\n“Kép” is a term to describe male characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle aged male, with a light makeup face (using beard to distinguish). This is a simple makeup style, reserved for characters that are handsome, or ordinary; they tend to be the psychological character that doesn’t need dramatic makeup to express their personality. Following the kép motif is the type of singing technique- with graceful and sophisticated dialogues. The common characters from kép motif (or can be called “kép in white”) are Tiết Đinh San, Tiết Ứng Luông (the play “The Goddess that offers Ngũ Linh flag”) Bá Ấp Khảo (the play “Bá Ấp Khảo”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Chung Vô Diệm\nĐÀO motif\n“Đào" is a term to describe female characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle-aged females, where their makeup tends to be light and their presences are elegant, with innocent singing-dialogue delivery. In đào motif, only the character Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, and Ngọc Kỳ Lân have their makeup as mask-like, the rest of them all have light makeup face. \nĐào võ\nBrawny đào: Possess full traits of đào motif, however she is assertive and stern; powerful singing-dialogue delivery. Example: Thần Nữ; Đoàn Hồng Ngọc; etc. Additionally, the mentioned characters that have mask-like makeup (Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, Ngọc Kỳ Lân) are a part of brawny đào motif. They are portrayed in a dramatic style to reflect their strong personality and extraordinary talent.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Phàn Diệm\nKÉP WITH ANGRY EYES\nIs a kép motif that has more than just the general traits, but also a more extravagant styling in costuming. They have a red face makeup base; with a white eyes and dramatic eyebrows that are high up to the temple. This dramatic appearance only reflects their extraordinary characters for a teenage boy. Namely characters like Phàn Diệm (the play “San Hậu”); or the character Trịnh n (the play “Sentencing Trịnh n”) that is also a part of kép with angry eyes, but he would have a face makeup colour base in ashy gray or black. This genre of kép with angry eyes, or can be called as “young kép” is often paired with an older character (could be their father- like the characters Phàn Định Công, Trịnh n), their extraordinary appearance foreshadowing the talents that would emerge once they are matured.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Đổng Kim Lân\nKÉP IN RED\nIs a character motif that is based on the characteristics of kép motif (kép in white), however, the base makeup colour of the character tends to be in bright red or reddish pink. This is the character type that is loyal and determined in hát bội aesthetic. Example: Quan Vũ (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”); Đổng Kim Lân (the play “San Hậu”); Cao Hoài Đức (the play “Sentencing Trịnh Ân”), etc.\n\nMiniature statue of yêu đạo turtle master character Dư Hồng\nYêu đạo motif\nSimilar like tướng motif, yêu đạo motif has a distinctive dramatic element of hát bội. However, yêu đạo tends to be portrayed as villain characters, in which they possess opposite traits from the protagonist, power abuser, with a sense of justice according to feudal law. Moreover, these characters tend to start off with non-human origins, they’ve honed their magical ability to become human so it made their manners appear animalistic. The character makeups are also suggestive of the manners and symbolism of their background. Examples such as Dư Hồng is originally a red bird that trained itself into human form so the eye makeup mimics a bird motif, with a red face makeup base. The design of yêu đạo/ turtle master tends to use weirdly big eyes to express an eerie manner, big tummy to indicate magic (or it could be called bụng phép), with costume similar to the Taoist monks.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Phàn Định Công\nBRAWNY LÃO\nIn appearance, they also shared similarities like the lão motif. If there’s a difference, then it’d be their face makeup base coloured in red. The difference between intellectual lão and brawny lão- their performance manners. Brawny lão would have more decisive and assertive movements, and a more powerful singing-dialogue delivery.\nSAGGY LÃO\nSimilar to kép with angry eyes motif in kép motif, saggy lão motif is a lão motif that exceeds the usual characteristics and is portrayed in a dramatic styling. With a red face, a white under eye that extends to the cheeks, white beard; hot-headed and decisive. Example: Phàn Định Công (the play “San Hậu”); Trình Giảo Kim (the play “Phàn Lê Huê conquer the Hồng Thủy battle”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Khương Linh Tá\nKÉP IN GREEN / FOREST KÉP / MOUNTAIN KÉP\nTheir face makeup tends to be in faded gray or green; with high eyes and brows (depends on the traditional character design of the region and the troup). This character type tends to have a peasantry manner, down-to-earth, with the colour palette of faded gray and green to indicate a humbling origin as a farming man. Example: Khương Linh Tá (the play “San Hậu”); Châu Sáng (the play “Losing Nam Dương fortress”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of nịnh male character Tạ Lôi Nhược\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above, with social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don’t hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”) Tiết Quỳ (The play “Tiết Giao steals the pearl”), etc.\nTạ Lôi Nhược is a minor tướng character, in combination of feeble nịnh character.

Shatar or Mongolian chess is considered to be the king of the board games. It needs keen intelligence, creative thinking, and patience; chess is a type of intellectual sport. There is even a folk saying that chess players live longer. Although there is no official affirmation of this, it is said that chess originated in Mongolia in the period of the Huns. Mongolian chess is one of the various board games that are part of the intellectual fund of humanity that has been shaped by nomadic Mongolians. In terms of figures, terms, and movements, Mongolian chess is distinctive from European chess and its theme is more closely linked to the herding livelihood. Rather than themes of armies and war, Mongolian chess manifests the peace-loving mentality of animal farming people. Mongolian chess also contains a complex of figures representing various animals, well-known wrestlers, archers, soldiers, herders and other kinds of celebrities.

Bountiful growth of rice is an earnest wish for Japanese who live on rice. Ritually imitating the movements of rice planting in the beginning of a year to pray for good harvest is one example of such imitative magic, and Ta-asobi of Hirugaya is one of those performances. Ta-asobi of Hirugaya, including a program of purifying the space, or imitating rice farming, is performed at the night of 11th February. The luck of accompaniment of musical instruments is one characteristic of Ta-asobi of Hirugaya. \n01: Ta-asobi of Hirugaya

Sau-Batar is one of Timor-Leste’s most cherished agricultural ceremonies, marking the successful harvesting of corn—batar, the staple crop that lies at the heart of both sustenance and spiritual life for many communities. Far more than an agricultural routine, this ritual reflects a worldview where nature, ancestors, and community are deeply intertwined.\n\nThe ceremony typically begins with a symbolic act called “taking out the old corn and bringing in the new.” This signifies a transition between agricultural cycles and expresses gratitude to the spirits of the land for their blessings. Families gather at their sacred houses (uma lulik), bringing both harvested corn and cooked rice to share in a ritual meal that reaffirms communal bonds.\n\nCentral to the ritual is the lia-nain—a customary elder responsible for oral tradition and ritual practice—who recites prayers, chants, and invocations handed down through generations. These words are not merely spoken; they are believed to activate ancestral protection and ensure future abundance. The corn offered during the ceremony becomes sacred, often preserved in specially designated granaries or placed on altars within the sacred house as a gesture of respect to the ancestors.\n\nMusic and dance are vital parts of Sau-Batar. Performances of Tebe Lilin (Candle Dance) and other local dances transform the occasion into a festive gathering, where movement and rhythm mirror the unity and joy of a successful harvest. The babadok drum keeps the beat as men and women, elders and children, participate in a shared expression of thanks and renewal.\n\nThe ceremony also involves the symbolic sharing of corn among relatives and neighbors, emphasizing that harvest is not an individual achievement but a collective gift. In some cases, leftover corn from the previous season is burned or ceremonially discarded to make room for the new yield, representing a fresh start and spiritual cleansing.\n\nBeyond its religious and social meanings, Sau-Batar also serves as a moment of informal education. It is during this event that younger generations hear the stories of how rituals are performed, why they matter, and what each gesture or offering means. Through active participation, children and youth absorb the knowledge of land stewardship, spiritual ethics, and cultural identity.\n\nIn recent years, as commercial farming methods expand and traditional schedules shift, Sau-Batar has faced challenges. Yet in many rural areas, the ceremony continues to be practiced with dedication, often with support from local schools and cultural preservation initiatives.\n\nFor the communities that uphold it, Sau-Batar remains a vital link between past and present, the visible and the invisible, and the land and its people. It is a ceremony not just of harvest, but of harmony—a living tradition that continues to nourish both body and spirit.

The tug-of-war is widely spread throughout the world, especially in agricultural communities. The Gijisi Tug-of-War Festival is highly regarded. Held on the second weekend in April, it has a five-hundred-year history. The event, which is based on agriculture, fishery, and merchant traditions, is held to wish for prosperity and good luck for the coming year. The tug-of-war represents the agricultural, rural, and social characteristics of the region. The rope used for the event is two hundred meters long and one meter thick, so it is truly a community event. Similar tug-of-war games are also held in other nations. After creating a museum for Gijisi tug-of-war, members discovered that it could be a symbol of the region, so the local government invested into the museum. After building the museum, we wanted to expand our knowledge of tug-of-war events in other countries. In the past, there wasn’t much communication among the different communities celebrating tug-of-war festivities. However, after building the museum, we had the opportunity to invite other countries as a sort of network that allows research into other types of tug-of-war in the Asia-Pacific region. As Gijisi tug-of-war is well known, we thought that having a festival to display other cultures’ traditional tug-of-war through a networked festival. \n\nTug-of-war (juldarigi in Korean) is an intangible heritage that is commonly found in various regions across the world. In particular, it is a popular activity that takes place with the aim to foster harmony and solidarity among communities in rice-farming regions across Korea, Japan,and various Southeast Asian countries.

▶ Play Video 7. The T’boli A People Who Live with Art\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on September 19, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe T’boli (Tagabili, Tiboli), together with the B’laan to the east and Teduray to the north, are in a single language group distinct from the remaining language groups of Mindanao. The T’boli traditionally live in scattered ettlements in the highlands of southwestern Mindanao, in the province of South Cotabato. The cultural communities surround the complex of highland lakes—Lake Sebu, Lake Selutan, and Lake Lahit. Settlements are composed of family clusters of fifteen or more households. Clusters are at elevations averaging 3,000 feet above sea level. Recently, these settlements have grown to comprise thirty or more households. Each settlement has a ceremonial house called a gono bong (big house). Members of such communities are usually related by kinship.\n\nThe T’boli practice swidden farming, cultivating highland rice (teneba), the staple food, potato, sugar cane, taro, and sweet potato. Corn and coffee are considered cash crops. Owning a horse is an indicator of economic status. Forests function as the main source of food, and the main source of protein is lake fish.\n\nThe T’boli are noted for their backstrap loom textile, t’nalak, which is woven from tie-dyed abaca fiber. Personal ornaments made of multicolored beads and embroidered blouses and hats are other notable features of the T’boli. Small household metal industries use the lost-wax process to manufacture cast brass bolo handles, figurines and betel-nut containers, and other ornaments.\n\nWhile the kinship system is bilateral, there is a strong male dominance. The father leads the household, and the oldest male leads joint and extended families. The oldest male child takes over this dominance upon the death of the father. If there is no son, lomolo is practiced, whereby the father’s eldest brother assumes the wealth of the deceased and claims the latter’s wife as his own.\n\nThe communities are also linked through a recognized leader, the datu, who does not officially command but whose word is respected because of his status, economic means, reputed courage, skill in settling disputes, and wisdom in the interpretation of custom laws. The position is achieved through community validation. He traditionally acquires rights over a person for whom he has paid an unsettled debt.\n\nA major social ritual of the T’boli is the mo-ninum, which is usually celebrated for a marriage and includes a multilateral exchange of articles of wealth (kimu). After six ceremonial feasts, for which the families take turns being hosts (moken) and guests (mulu), the ceremony climaxes with the marriage itself. The whole cycle may take many years to complete and sometimes results in the construction of a gono mo-ninum, a huge house that can accommodate more than two hundred people.\n\nMaguindanaoMandayaKalingaSubanonTagalogManobo

Xuan Pha Dance listed in the National ICH List in 2016\nThe Xuan Pha performance is a Vietnamese folk tradition held every lunar February in Xuan Pha village. It serves as a blessing to the people and expresses gratitude to the guardian deity who watches over farming activities. Legend has it that Dinh Bo Linh achieved peace with the help of the deity Xuan Pha when chieftains were trying to divide the country. This became the origin of the village festival. The performance includes five different dance segments, each simulating the dances of five nations, paying tribute to the King of Dai Viet (modern-day Viet Nam). Most of the props used in the performance are made from materials obtained from nature, and the performers sing of a peaceful, happy, and idyllic life.

The National Commission for Culture and the Arts of the Philippines (NCCA) is the official government agency for culture in the Philippines. It is the overall policy making body, coordinating, and grants giving agency for the preservation, development and promotion of Philippine arts and culture.\n\nIn 2015, ICHCAP supported the NCCA in digitizing around five hundred hours of analogue content through the Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials. Some of materials representative of traditions of Philippine ethnic groups were chosen and reproduced as Pagdaloy, flow of life in eight DVDs and two CDs, so they can be enjoyed by more people.\n\nThe videos contained in the collection come from Travel Time, a weekly travelogue that aired from 1986 to 2015 in the Philippines. The TV travel show provided detailed information about minority groups in the country. The NCCA, the project operator, was not only engaged in the digitization of analogue materials but also provided support throughout the production process, contributing to giving more people the opportunity to access valuable ICH materials.\n\nICHCAP Collection IV includes stories of eight Philippine ethnic groups in the Philippines. The story collection comes in a book format, with the DVDs depicting each of the stories. The two CDs feature music used for rituals, feasts, and farming. The collection also features music played by Uwang Ahadas and his family ensemble; Ahadas was named a National Living Treasure of the Philippines. The last page of the collection features a map indicating the areas the ethnic groups inhabit, to help audiences better understand the ethnic groups.\n\nICHCAP hopes that this collection will enable not just researchers in the relevant fields but also the general public to learn more about and become familiar with Philippine ICH.

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

Ngư tiều canh mục cách song describes the farmer’s work, such as fishing, collecting firewood, farming, and tending cattle.

The milking song is one of the very few work songs involving cattle farming sung by nomads. The lyrics express the hope that milk will flow like fountains from the animal (goat, sheep, or cow) that they are milking.

Hát Xoan (Xoan singing) or cửa đình singing (singing at the village communal house) starts in spring during singing and dancing performances to worship the god in the village communal house. According to legend Hát Xoan appeared in the time of Kings Hùng, in the ancestral land of Hùng Vương—Phú Thọ, a province in the midland area of Vietnam. Gathering of Xoan singers who worship in spring called Xoan guild or families of Xoan. In a Xoan guild, there are between six and eighteen members. Men, called kép (instrumentalist), have to know how to beat a drum and sing the lead. Women are called đào (female singer). Female singers must not only be beautiful but also be able sing and dance well. The leader, called ông trùm, is an expert in art and master in all Xoan singing customs . He is also responsible for organizing and training instrumentalists and singers. Nowadays, in Phú Thọ province, there are four original Xoan guilds, in Kim Đới, Phù Đức, Thét, and An Thái villages. The Xoan guilds start their two-month spring itinerary 6 Jan (lunar calendar).\n\nXoan singing for worship is structured into three singing stages: Stage one is a ritual opening that includes songs such as Giáo trống, Giáo pháo, Thơ nhang, and Đóng đám. The Xoan guild of An Thái village opens with the song Chào vua while Xoan guild of Kim Đới village opens with Mời vua. Stage two is the performance of fourteen songs (known as quả cách) such as Kiều Giang cách, Nhàn ngâm cách, Tràng mai cách, Ngư tiều canh mục cách, Đối dẫy cách, Hồi liên cách, Tứ mùa cách, Quả cách is an ancient term. Quả means a long song while cách is a method of singing a specific song. Cách is the way ancient Confusion scholars expressed their feelings and conceptions of society and nature. The content of these fourteen songs is about wishing the four classes of people— scholars, farmers, craftsmen, and merchants—prosperity and fame. Stage three is a love-exchange song, including songs such as Bợm gái, Bỏ bộ, Xin hoa đố chữ, Gài hoa, Hát đúm, and Giã cá. The content reflects the desire of a couple’s love. Therefore, the items in this stage are usually performed by Xoan singers with local male villagers. The cultural exchange between Xoan guild and local male villagers make the singing session more attractive. However, Xoan singing was under the threat of being lost over time. On 24 November 2011, Xoan singing of Phú Thọ province was recognized as an Intangible Cultural Heritage In Need of Urgent Safeguarding of Humanity. In this CD, we selected and arranged some Xoan singing songs recorded and kept at Vietnamese Institute for Musicology in 1959.

Ladakh lies in the high mountains of the Himalayas, in Jammu and Kashmir, northwest India. Although many roads are being built, it still remains one of the most isolated regions in the world. As Ladakh differs greatly from the rest of India in all aspects—history, ethnic makeup, religion, and culture—the people of Ladakh will never say call themselves Indians.\n\nThe people of Ladakh farm wheat using water from the melting snowcaps of the high mountains. They lead a simple life, farming and raising livestock in the fields. They sing while working in the fields, just like Korean people used to in the past. In autumn, you can hear songs sung while cutting grass, harvesting wheat, and plowing the fields. In nomadic regions, there are songs sung to call livestock and while processing dairy. Ladakh was where I was able to hear the most work songs during this trip to collect the sounds of Asia.\n\nMost Ladakhis practice Lama Buddhism from Tibet. They are a very pious people, whose faith can be seen not just in the numerous monasteries and stone pagodas but in the songs they sing. Praise of Buddha and revered monks can often be found in their work songs.\nOn the other hand, the center of the Zanskar Valley, just south of Ladakh, is occupied by Muslims. In this region, folk songs are difficult to come by.

Lapar performing arts, as an ancient folklore genre of people’s creation, has a rich history. Lapar songs are performed by famous artists during holidays, public festivities, and wedding parties as well as in a bride’s house in the evening during ‘Girls’ Evening’, ‘Girls’ Party’, and ‘Lapar Night’. Girls and boys perform Lapar songs composed of four-lined ghazals in two groups. Through Lapar songs, girls and boys express their love for each other, make decisions, and take oaths. They sing their heart’s grief with a certain melody but without any music. If both the girl and the boy who are singing Lapar fall in love with each other, they present gifts to one another. If the boys present flowers to girls, the girls present a kerchief, belt-kerchief, handkerchief, perfume, or some other gift.\n\nLapar songs are mainly composed of four-lined verses and are performed in the form of a dialogue between two parties. If they resemble o'lan songs from these features, they are distinguished by the ideas, literary references, descriptive objects, and the lifestyle that are sung in the lyrics- the level of thought is more highly developed by images. \n\nLapar songs were performed and became increasingly better known through the work of famous Lapar singers, such as Lutfikhonim Sarimsoqova, Tamarakhonim, Lizakhonim Petrosova, Gavkhar Rakhimova, Oykhon Yoqubova, Guishan Otaboyeva, To'khtakhon Nazarova, Qunduzkhon Egamberdiyeva, and others. To pay more attention to Lapar and o'lan songs, to collect them, to support the performers, and to publicise their creative work to the broader community, the Traditional Republican Festival of Lapar and O'lan performers is regularly conducted by the Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan.\n\n\n\n

O`lan is a genre of people's oral creation. Mainly, it is performed by women with or without doira accompaniment. At Uzbek parties and celebrations, the O`lan is sung by a girls' team on one side and a boys' team on the other side, or it is sung by two people who take opposing sides so they can perform as though they are having a dialogue.\n\nYor-yor is a folk song performed at a wedding celebration when the bride is seen off. In ancient times, it was widespread among Uzbek, Tajik, Uygur, and Turkmen people. Yor-yor consists of two or four lines; at the end or in the middle of each line are the words 'yor-yor, aylanaman' (my beloved one, I am enchanted). Usually, yor-yor is accompanied by doira music performed by women. The high effect of yor-yor is that it simultaneously harmonises sadness with a merry melody, tone, and the mood of holiday joys. In yor-yor songs, the bride's features, wishes, cherished dreams, and congratulations to her are praised. \n\nThe Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in cooperation with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, organised an expedition to Ferghana Valley to research and classify intangible cultural heritage samples as well as to inventory and define the bearers of this heritage. The expedition team recorded samples of O'lan songs from ICH bearers and transmitters of intangible cultural heritage, including Xayrullo Mirzayev, Hanifa Mirzayeva, Inoyat Rafiqova, Makhbuba Yo'ldosheva, Baxtiyor Turg'unov, Zebikhon Abdunazarova, Ko'paysin Oqboyeva, and Qo'zikhon Siddiqova.

Pagdaloy, Flow of Life \n(2015 NCCA-ICHCAP Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials)\n\nThe National Commission for Culture and the Arts of the Philippines (NCCA) is the official government agency for culture in the Philippines. It is the overall policy making body, coordinating, and grants giving agency for the preservation, development and promotion of Philippine arts and culture.\n\nIn 2015, ICHCAP supported the NCCA in digitizing around five hundred hours of analogue content through the Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials. Some of materials representative of traditions of Philippine ethnic groups were chosen and reproduced as Pagdaloy, flow of life in eight DVDs and two CDs, so they can be enjoyed by more people.\n\nThe videos contained in the collection come from Travel Time, a weekly travelogue that aired from 1986 to 2015 in the Philippines. The TV travel show provided detailed information about minority groups in the country. The NCCA, the project operator, was not only engaged in the digitization of analogue materials but also provided support throughout the production process, contributing to giving more people the opportunity to access valuable ICH materials.\n\nICHCAP Collection IV includes stories of eight Philippine ethnic groups in the Philippines. The story collection comes in a book format, with the DVDs depicting each of the stories. The two CDs feature music used for rituals, feasts, and farming. The collection also features music played by Uwang Ahadas and his family ensemble; Ahadas was named a National Living Treasure of the Philippines. The last page of the collection features a map indicating the areas the ethnic groups inhabit, to help audiences better understand the ethnic groups.\n\nICHCAP hopes that this collection will enable not just researchers in the relevant fields but also the general public to learn more about and become familiar with Philippine ICH.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

Based on the ICHCAP Field Survey on Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding Efforts in some East and Central Asian countries from 2009 to 2012, this summary provides a brief overview on the ICH situation in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan . The summary focuses mainly on ICH safeguarding systems, safeguarding policies, and ICH inventories as well as on pending issues and the urgent safeguarding needs of these countries. Moreover, information on the main entities in charge of ICH safeguarding and opinions of each country on the issue of community involvement are provided. To give a quick overview these countries’ participation in ICH safeguarding at the international level, some additional information related to UNESCO is specified as well. This survey report offers a large sample of the diverse ICH situations in East Asian and Central Asian countries. Although each country has a different background on issue of intangible heritage, depending on its cultural, economic, and socio-political situation, the countries participating in the survey share a commonality: They are post-communist countries that were once under the Soviet system. Moreover, they share a traditional culture shaped by nomadic pastoralism that offers a variety of cultural similarities. For instance, they keep an ancient and rich tradition of epic singing, and they are highly concerned about this oral heritage as it is on the brink of disappearance. In this sense, they have much to exchange and share in regards to safeguarding ICH. The countries participating in the survey are concerned with the threats against their ICH, but most of these nations are in the early process of defining ICH and establishing independent national ICH lists. At the same time, each country expresses a high degree of motivation and encouragement for safeguarding ICH, sharing experiences, and participating in international cooperation programmes. Apart from the main subject, a brief glimpse is taken on the situation of intellectual property in ICH safeguarding in each country. Compared to the Southwest Asian countries that participated in the field survey, the East Asian and Central Asian countries provided little information on intellectual property issues, so it is recommended that ICHCAP undertake the Field Survey on Intellectual Property Issues in the Process of ICH Information Building and Information Sharing in some countries to see their status on this subject.\n\n- Ratified the ICH Convention in 2008; survey conducted in 2009 and updated in 2014.\n- As of March 2018, has 6 ICH elements on the RL, 1 element as GSP, and no accredited NGOs.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 16 is 'TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 23 is 'Traditional Navigation of Pacific Islanders.'

In 2015, ICHCAP, IICAS, and the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO co-organized an international symposium, gathering leading experts and scholars in the region, with the topic of ‘oral traditions and epics’ to uncover more profound issues on ICH in the region. As the nomadic tribes of Central Asia have always been migratory, oral traditions have been the core means of intergenerational transmission in their culture. Since ancestral cultural practices and wisdom have been transmitted across generations orally, it is crucial to discuss these issues for safeguarding living 142 heritage in Central Asia. This book is the collection of the papers from the symposium.