The paper presents the status of Shamanism practice, in terms of state policy, research status and challenges for the Shaman heritage in Bhutan. The paper is based on field research and policy analysis conducted by the National Library and Archive of Bhutan under a ICHCAP project grant. An overview of shamanism in different regions of Bhutan is presented with a region-wise categorization of Shamanism in Bhutan. This is followed by a brief overview of four shamanism practices prevalent in Bhutan, three in the southern region and one in the western region. The preliminary data show that the Shamanistic practices in Bhutan, as in other parts of the world, has been deeply rooted in religion and supernatural power. The paper also presents future plans and initiatives of the National Library and Archives Division for the documentation and preservation of Shaman heritage. In absence of any written state policy regarding the preservation and promotion of Shaman heritage, the study concludes by proposing some recommendations to the government and local stakeholders for the preservation and promotion of the practice.

Afrikan combat arts and sciences are the very oldest in the world as Afrikan people are the first human beings in the world. According to Hamblin, “the oldest discovered cemetery in the Nile Valley at Jebel Sahaba in Nubia (northern Sudan)—broadly dated to roughly 12,000– 9000—provides the earliest evidence of tribal warfare, for roughly half of the 59 skeletons at site 117 had flint projectile points among the bones, probably indicating death in battle; some had evidence of multiple healed wounds, perhaps indicating repeated fighting” (2006, p. 32). This site has since been more accurately dated to between 13,140 and 14,340 years ago (Graham, 2016). At another massacre site at Nataruk in contemporary Kenya were found a mixture of people killed with blunt instruments, sharp pointed weapons, projectiles, and so on. According to Lahr , “Ten of the twelve articulated skeletons found at Nataruk show evidence of having died violently at the edge of a lagoon, into which some of the bodies fell. The remains from Nataruk are unique, preserved by the particular conditions of the lagoon with no evidence of deliberate burial” (2016, p. 2). Researchers at Nataruk also found:

Old Polish sabre fencing fits within the limits of broadly understood Polish martial art, which in addition to sabre fencing includes fighting on war horses with a hussar lance, pickax (horseman’s pick), scythe, or Polish lance. The basis for the claim that Poland has its own sabre fencing pattern is the fact that it developed its own type of sabre pattern called the hussar sabre (Kwaśniewicz, 1988, p. 66) and the existence of Old Polish fencing with palcaty (short sticks) (Kwaśniewicz, 2017, p. 473)—an important element in the preparation of noblemen and courtiers for fencing with this weapon known as “cross art” (Jezierski, 1791, p. 213), and in the case of short sticks, “striking the clubs ( )” (Kitowicz, 1985, p. 113). This had its origins in the 16th century and its tradition was cultivated until 1939. It was resurrected as a Polish martial art in 1986 under the name Signum Polonicum, functioning as a contribution of Polish national heritage to the world family of national sports and martial arts.

Taekwondo’s Martial Art and Combat Sport Battle\nHow taekwondo became a beloved global martial art and Olympic combat sport is a fascinatingly complex story. While it encompasses numerous people, we may better understand it by focusing on two of taekwondo’s organizing bodies and their international relations efforts. On one side we have the International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF), which was headed by a Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea) army general who fought ardently for the unification of his divided homeland and wished to preserve its history and culture by propagating it via the martial art he named. Opposite the ITF is the organization now known as World Taekwondo (WT), which was responsible for much of the sport’s global popularity and for propelling it to Olympic status. These groups’ differing pedagogies and philosophies have caused practitioners to perform taekwondo distinctively depending on their affiliation, and today we can distinguish the two major styles with little difficulty. The two organizations and their leaders opposed each other for a myriad of reasons, which led to decades of bitter rivalry. Both organizations saw taekwondo as a means by which Korea could rise from the ashes of Japanese occupation and a brutal civil war to forge a new national identity (Johnson, 2018). Both sides loved taekwondo but argued and fought against each other for decades. Now considered the old guard, both have passed on taekwondo’s future to a new generation of leaders who sit on either side of the Korean border. This chapter conceptualizes the ITF–WT conflict anew within a peace studies perspective. For this multidisciplinary, qualitative study, an extensive literature review of ITF and WT styles of taekwondo, both academic and lay, was undertaken to understand the nature of the conflict. Literature for the academic field of peace studies were also reviewed, and the United States Institute of Peace’s (USIP) Cycle of Conflict (USIP, n.d.) was used to

In the past decades, the world has seen unprecedented migration of people from rural communities to urban centres. According to the UN, “the urban population of the world has grown rapidly from 751 million in 1950 to 4.2 billion in 2018.” Today, 55% of the world’s population is reported to live in urban areas, and this is expected to increase to 68% by 2050.1) Such migration is particularly intense in the less developed countries, which make the majority of global population, and the rate of urbanisation is highest in Asia.\nIn spite of its historic isolation and renown for conservation of its traditional way of life, Bhutan is no exception to the process of urbanisation. On the contrary, it stands out as a striking example of urban growth. Just over half a century ago, there was not a single town in Bhutan. The country was entirely made up of villages. Even Thimphu, the nation’s capital for nearly four centuries, was a valley of a few scattered villages and the dzong fortress, which housed the government and monastic headquarters. Over 99% of the built environment we see today in the growing metropolis of Thimphu was built after 1960s. The picture of Thimphu taken in 1963 shows the valley of open rice fields, which have today become a concrete jungle. The picture of south Thimphu taken at the turn of the century shows how fast the suburban areas of Thimphu have grown.

Based on the notion of culture as a complex multi-layered phenomenon, we admit that some cultural elements or expressions may fluidly migrate and adapt to different local settings, not necessarily or exclusively serving as a marker of an ethnic identity. Moreover, an emerging concept of shared cultural heritage allows us to disclose positive potential for joining efforts in safeguarding and enlivening the cultural heritage of the people. Connecting various national and local cultures along the Silk Roads aims exactly at gaining the joy of sharing the values, wisdom, creativity; at nurturing mutual interests and empathy among cultures and people; and at searching for common threads across the rich multitude of manifestations of cultural heritage of a vast region. The joint initiative by ICHCAP and IICAS to launch the Silk Roads ICH Networking Program needs support and actions by the wide range of stakeholder organizations and groups. Two options might be considered for a Silk Roads ICH Festivals network—either establish its own training program, capitalizing on the European Festivals Association’s experience or—cooperate with EFA on arranging a special edition of their Festival Academy focused on ICH and open for young managers from within the new network.

Vernacular martial arts (VMA) occupy a special niche within the diverse phenomena classified as martial arts. Cross-culturally, “Martial arts can be defined as systematic bodies of knowledge, belief, and practice that are associated with methods of attack and defense against … adversaries” (Green and Svinth, 2010, p. 331). On close examination, we learn that the behaviors we attempt to gather under this umbrella term are quite diverse, ranging from life-and-death struggles through rule-governed sporting contests to expressive forms, from globalized combat sports to localized martial culture. The systems that fall on the latter end of this spectrum I have applied the VMA label to, and among the various martial expressions these are the ones that most clearly qualify as intangible cultural heritage (ICH). The following distinctions are useful for the current discussion.

I would like to thank Dr. Samuel Lee for inviting me to give this tour of the impacts of the 2003 Convention in the Asia-Pacific Region. I’d also like to thank Dr. Weiming for giving a talk that situated the work we do in a broader context and explained our work with intangible cultural heritage. I found it to be a very stimulating talk and a great way to start this day and a half. I am going to talk on a more basic level about what has been done as a result of countries coming together to ratify an international agreement that aims to safeguard intangible cultural heritage. It was a very ambitious program in the beginning. I was privileged to see a little bit of it working with Ms. Aikawa at the UNESCO headquarters during the time leading up to the Convention.

Since the organizers of this international academic conference sent the four essays to be featured in Session 1 in advance, I will present my opinions and questions regarding the said four essays and end by opening shared agendas for discussion based on the aim of this international academic conference, which was organized as a way to contribute to the transmission and growth of traditional maritime culture in the Asia-Pacific region.