Yohor, singing round dance of the Buryat ethnic group in Mongolia, the Buryat Republic of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, is a complex phenomenon of poetry, melody, and movement. Eldest woman starts the Yohor dance. Yohor consists of three parts, in the first part, people start appealing other people to do Yohor. They say words “Yohoroo khatariya! khatarysh”. It means let’s do the Yohor dance. These signal words remind to people it’s time to dance Yohor. In the second part, people stand in circle formation holding hands and singing in a low pitch, start moving foot steps forward; or sideward steps; or backward jumps in circle path with arms gestures as moves up, down and sideward. In combination with changes of melody rhythm, the dance movements are changed into stamping, hopping, leaping, and steps are replaced by jumps. In the end of the dance, people say the word “hatariya hatarysh”.

Yohor, singing round dance of the Buryat ethnic group in Mongolia, the Buryat Republic of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, is a complex phenomenon of poetry, melody, and movement. Eldest woman starts the Yohor dance. Yohor consists of three parts, in the first part, people start appealing other people to do Yohor. They say words “Yohoroo khatariya! khatarysh”. It means let’s do the Yohor dance. These signal words remind to people it’s time to dance Yohor. In the second part, people stand in circle formation holding hands and singing in a low pitch, start moving foot steps forward; or sideward steps; or backward jumps in circle path with arms gestures as moves up, down and sideward. In combination with changes of melody rhythm, the dance movements are changed into stamping, hopping, leaping, and steps are replaced by jumps. In the end of the dance, people say the word “hatariya hatarysh”.

Yohor, singing round dance of the Buryat ethnic group in Mongolia, the Buryat Republic of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, is a complex phenomenon of poetry, melody, and movement. Eldest woman starts the Yohor dance. Yohor consists of three parts, in the first part, people start appealing other people to do Yohor. They say words “Yohoroo khatariya! khatarysh”. It means let’s do the Yohor dance. These signal words remind to people it’s time to dance Yohor. In the second part, people stand in circle formation holding hands and singing in a low pitch, start moving foot steps forward; or sideward steps; or backward jumps in circle path with arms gestures as moves up, down and sideward. In combination with changes of melody rhythm, the dance movements are changed into stamping, hopping, leaping, and steps are replaced by jumps. In the end of the dance, people say the word “hatariya hatarysh”.

Umw, the underground oven\n\nOne the new apprentice has learned all the needed skills and knowledge from the canoe house and ready to be initiated. His master will then announced for his to be "pwo". The pwo ritual community engagement begins with the preparation of the underground cooking oven known as umw. The women will go harvest the best of their sweet taro and breadfruit are harvested to be placed in the umw.

Rooted in the ancestral traditions of the Fatumea and Fohorem communities in Covalima Municipality, Tebe Otas-Uluk is more than a dance—it is a collective act of memory, identity, and reverence. The name itself combines “tebe” (a traditional line dance) with Otas (ancestor) and Uluk (first or origin), signaling a ritual expression dedicated to those who came before.\n\nTraditionally performed by the elders of the community, this dance takes place during important communal gatherings such as ceremonies of healing, protection, thanksgiving, or agricultural celebration. Participants often wear traditional attire and move in side-by-side formations, linked by hands or shoulders, stepping rhythmically in unison to the beat of local drums, gongs, or the babadok (a hand-held percussion instrument). The dance circle forms a symbolic space where the living and the spirits of the ancestors meet.\n\nWhat sets Tebe Otas-Uluk apart is its solemn and purposeful character. The movement vocabulary is simple yet powerful: synchronized steps, grounded footwork, and fluid arm gestures that flow with the communal rhythm. Songs are chanted throughout the dance in the Tetun-Terik language, often carrying metaphorical meanings related to the land, family, and the ancestors’ wisdom. The lyrics function as oral archives, preserving knowledge and history that is not written but remembered through voice and motion.\n\nBecause of its deep spiritual roots, this dance is only performed on specific occasions, often after traditional leaders conduct consultations with spiritual entities or conduct rituals to prepare the ground. Each gesture, each chant, is believed to activate a connection to the ancestral realm—inviting blessings, healing, or protection for the community.\n\nIn recent years, however, the practice has become increasingly rare, with fewer young people learning the movements or understanding the embedded meanings. Despite this, dedicated elders continue to lead and teach the dance, ensuring its survival as a living heritage. For them, Tebe Otas-Uluk is not simply a performance—it is a prayer in motion, a ceremony that anchors the community to its origins and affirms its cultural continuity.

In the rugged landscapes of Timor-Leste, where dry seasons can stretch long and food insecurity remains a reality for many, the people have long relied on their deep knowledge of wild, resilient crops. Among them is Koto-Tisi—a hard, dark wild bean that offers vital sustenance but must be carefully prepared to remove its natural toxins. What might appear at first glance to be just another seed is, in fact, a symbol of survival, ecological wisdom, and ancestral resilience.\n\nThe bean is typically found growing on hardy, thorny shrubs or climbing vines in semi-wild areas. It is gathered primarily by women, who know when the pods are ready to be picked and how to handle them safely. The challenge lies not in harvesting but in transforming Koto-Tisi into something edible—an intricate cooking process that has been passed down through generations.\n\nPreparation begins with repeated boiling and rinsing, sometimes up to five or six times. Each round helps to leach out the toxic compounds present in the bean. The water must be discarded each time, and the beans carefully watched to ensure that they soften without disintegrating. After boiling, the beans are often sun-dried and stored for later use, to be boiled again before eating or ground into a starchy paste.\n\nThe process is labor-intensive and demands both patience and precision. Elders in the community emphasize that the knowledge of how to process Koto-Tisi is not written in books—it lives in memory, movement, and the rhythms of daily life. To rush the process or ignore the sequence could lead to poisoning. For this reason, children are taught to observe closely, assisting their mothers or grandmothers and gradually learning the delicate balance between danger and nourishment.\n\nIn times of drought, scarcity, or natural disaster, Koto-Tisi becomes a lifeline. Its ability to grow in harsh conditions, with little water or care, makes it a dependable fallback when cultivated crops fail. But it is more than a survival food—it is also a testament to how culture and ecology intertwine. The knowledge required to use it safely reflects a deep respect for the land, a skillset honed through centuries of careful experimentation and oral transmission.\n\nToday, as dietary patterns change and imported food becomes more available, the practice of preparing Koto-Tisi is fading in some areas. But in others, it remains a respected tradition—especially among elders who see it not only as food but as a story, a ritual, and a reminder of community strength in the face of adversity.

Joroon Joroo depicts couples dancing while riding on horses strolling at a leisurely pace. This dance originates from the Mongolian folk dance Bii Biyelgee. Bii Biyelgee is a dance arising from the nomadic lifestyle, and was traditionally performed in a small confined space within the ger, next to the stove. The choregraphy is primarily performed using the chest, shoulders, head and wrists, to avoid raising dust indoors. The legs are in a half-sitting position or crossed, only acting to support the torso. It is characterized by the raising of the arms and shaking of the shoulders. It is primarily accompanied by the ekil (violin-like traditional instrument) and the choreography is relatively short in length.\n\nThe various ethnic groups of Mongolia each perform their own unique and creative form of Biyelgee, which all go by different names. As Biyelgee is not just a dance but a form of pantomime which involves wit, emotions and expressions, it requires a high level of technical expertise and patience to master. Biyelgee plays an important role in the Mongolian society composed of a wide range of communities, as a cultural asset reflecting the customs and lifestyles of Mongolian nomads, and a common ground connecting the various ethnic communities. The viability of Biyelgee had been under threat in the recent past, due to a continued decline in the number of transmitters and performing communities, the numbers of trainees and transmitters have been showing stable growth with safeguarding efforts by the UNESCO and the Mongolian government.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙A branch of Biyelgee dance which uses horses as a motif\n∙Biyelgee was inscribed on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding in 2009\n\nperformed by Mongolian National Song and Dance Academic Ensemble\ndirected by Tseden-Ish Altangerel\nchoreographed by Davaakhuu Altangerel

This is a portion of the traditional Bhutanese masked dance of Cham, rearranged for a solo performer. It is a combination of the ‘Drum Dance’ which represents the victory of good over evil, and the ‘Hero’s Dance’ which contains a message to the god of peace and anger. In Bhutan, Buddhism is more than a religion, being a philosophy that guides its way of life and culture. In this culture of Buddhism, Cham is regarded one of the most unique elements of the Bhutanese Buddist heritage. ‘Cham’ which refers to a type of masked dance performed at rituals, is performed at the annual festivals of temples in the region. The people of Bhutan regard the act of viewing Cham as a spiritual experience, of release from worldly attachments.\n\nCham dancers wear traditional costumes made of silk in the 6 colors of red, white, yellow, green, blue and black. Each color stands for different aspects of nature, red for fire, energy and strength, white for water and peace, yellow for the ground, growth and elevation, green for air and finiteness, blue for the universe and infinity, and black for anger. The masks worn while dancing are carved from wood, depicting saints, wise men, guardian deities and legendary figures. The music is played using cymbals, drums, large and small copper horns, conches and bells.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An excerpt from a Cham (Bhutanese masked ritual dance) adapted for the stage\n\nPerformed by Tsering Dorji\nDirected by Tsering Dorji

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.

This audio is a story of two poor, young girls and a demon by the name of Yathyath that transformed into a rock. This history was told by Fithingmew, Mu’ut, and Bapilung from the Old Age Program in Yap back in the 1970s. There was a family, a couple and their two young daughters, who lived in Alog village, in the middle of the island far from the shoreline. The family was so poor that they always lacked food. When the girls grew old enough to walk far distances, their parents sometimes sent them to gather seashells on the west shore of the island. But their father taught them not to pass through the peninsula by Arngel village, so the girls had to walk a far distance from their home to the shore to collect shells and clams for the family. They never went near the peninsula. However, one evening, when they collected shells and clams across from Kanif shoreline, their torch went out. They looked ahead of them and saw a soft, shimmering light by the peninsula. They thought it was someone’s torch, so they started walking toward the light in the hope of asking for fire to light up their own torch. Soon after, they noticed that it was not fire, but phosphorescent light on a demon’s body. They were so scared that they turned around and ran as fast as they could. Yathyath, the demon, kept chasing them. The younger sister was so scared. She cried out in fear, and the older sister told her to dump some of the shells and clams from their basket to distract the demon. The demon slowed down and started eating the shells and clams, but it soon chased them again. The younger sister cried out again for help. As they got closer to their village, their father heard his little girl crying out and knew that the demon was after them. He quickly filled up the fireplace in the house with big pieces of flint stones and clamshells to heat them up. The girls made it home and were quickly let in by their father. The demon also ran into their house, where the stones and clamshells in the fire were extremely hot. The father fooled the demon, telling it to stand by the door and open its mouth wide so he could throw the two girls in its mouth. The demon did so, wishing for a big meal. Instead, the father slightly opened the fireplace and dumped the hot stones and clamshells into the demon’s mouth. The demon turned away in pain and headed back away from the village. Along its way on wulk’uf savannah, the demon threw up all the flint stones it had swallowed earlier. It fell to the ground and died on wulk’uf savannah, between Alog and Maa’ villages in Weloy municipality. Then the demon transformed into a big, black rock. The black rock and the pieces of flint stones still stand near the wulk’uf savannah.

This is an excerpt of a Tuồng play, called “Trảm Trịnh Ân” (Trịnh Ân was beheaded), which can be called “Tống Thái Tổ Túy Sát Trịnh Ân” or “Đào Tam Xuân loạn trào”), one of the classical Tuồng works. This excerpt is a conversation between Trịnh Ân and his son while walking to Trịnh Ân to an execution ground. Being unjustly convicted, Trịnh Ân had to endure that conviction. Because he did not want his son to witness his execution, he advised his son to go home. However, his son was grief stricken and did not want to leave his father. The melodies in this excerpt include Nam bình, Nói lối đạp Ai qua nói lối Ai, Hát khách, Nam ai, and Nói lối thường.

Paglami-lamihan Soundscapes 2: Music by National Living Treasure Uwang Ahadas and the Ahadas Family Ensemble  Traditionally played solo in the rice fields after planting the palay and until the flowering stage. The kwintangan kayu is made of five graduated logs of manakayan tree (Shorea almon Foxw) and one piece of bamboo. These are arranged on top of a tree or set up on the ground and played continuously by different musicians day and night. Recording Credits Producer NCCA-Intangible Cultural Heritage Unit Audio Engineer Froilan Malimban Studio Fastgen Media Productions Year Recorded 2011

Down the cave, there's a crab\nAs it crawls back on the ground when the song starts

CD5 HÁT VĂN\nHát văn (văn singing) is a special traditional music associated with the Tứ Phủ religion, a local religion of the Kinh people in Vietnam. Hát văn or chầu văn means singing for reporting something to gods. In religion, it can be called cầm ca chúc thánh, which means “singing for praising gods”. There is a sentence in a book: “The Buddha loves the scripture and gods love singing”. The combination between singing and instrument playing, various repertoire and melodies, and strict regulations in performing ritual music helped hát văn become a professional traditional music, which strongly attracts listeners. The Tứ Phủ belief (the Four-God belief) is the environment in which hát văn has been nurtured and developed. The Tứ Phủ belief mentions the gods of the four components of cosmos, the world located in Heaven, Earth, Water, and Mountains. These gods are ranked differently. At the top of the temple is the Father of the Jade Emperor. Under the position of that god are Tam tòa Thánh Mẫu, ngũ vị vương Quan, tứ vị Chầu bà, ngũ vị Hoàng tử, Tứ Phủ thánh Cô, Tứ Phủ thánh Cậu, Ngũ Hổ, and ông Lốt. The Mẫu Liễu Hạnh God is considered to play the center role. Before becoming one of four Vietnamese gods, he was a normal person on the Earth with the hometown and the name.\n\nThe people in charge of performing music in the Tứ Phủ belief are called cung văn. A person practicing the cung văn profession has to train for a long time, from five years to seven years. This person has to be excellent in writing Hán-Nôm words and organizing a worship ceremony and hát văn so that he/she can take care of a temple. The cung văn profession is transferred only to family members. Hát văn music is usually performed by two cung văn, including one person playing the nguyệt (moon-shaped lute) and the other playing percussion instruments. One of them or both can sing. In a big rite, the number of performers in a band can be four or five with the participation of the tranh (16-chord zither), the nhị (Vietnamese two-string fiddle), or flutes. The nguyệt originates from the yeuqin instrument of China. However, comparing to the yeuqin instrument, the nguyệt has a longer neck with eight to eleven frets. A neck with ten frets is the most popular. Two strings of this instrument used to be made of silk but now are made of nylon. The small string is called dây tiếu, and the bigger one is called dây đài. The nguyệt is usually tuned to dây bằng (the fifth interval) and dây lệch (the fourth interval). It is seldom tuned to dây tố lan (the minor seventh interval) and to dây song thanh (an octave).

CD9_MUSIC OF TRADITIONAL THEATRE IN VIETNAM\n\nThe traditional theatre is an indispensable element in describing the appearance of traditional Vietnamese music. The forms of traditional Vietnamese theatre are mainly practiced by the Kinh ethnic group and some ethnic minorities such as Khơ me and Nùng. Two special forms of traditional theatre with long histories are Tuồng (classical drama) and Chèo (traditional operetta) of the Kinh group. These art forms gather many elements, including literature, painting, music, dance, and drama.Tuồng was born in northern Vietnam and performed in the court, and then followed mandarins to central and southern Vietnam with a new name Hát bội or Hát bộ. Tuồng was perfected and reached its peak in the Central Vietnam from the seventeenth century to the eighteenth century in the Nguyễn dynasty. Tuồng was performed not only in the court but also in common communities and was loved by common people. At the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century, Tuồng still played an important role in the spiritual life of Vietnamese people, especially to the people in central and southern Vietnam. Tuồng was one of a few traditional Vietnamese artistic types, loved by the court and common people.\n\nIn its flourishing period, the artists of Tuồng were categorized into two ranks, including Tuồng thầy artists (professinal artists who are knowlegeable and have exemplary performance style) and Tuồng rong artists (semiprofessional artists who lack of knowledge and have seasonal performances, mainly giving impromptu performances in tuồng cường. The system of Tuồng is clearly categorized according to the content such as Tuồng pho (Tuồng with many acts and performed on many nights), Tuồng đồ (Tuồng with content closer to daily life and based on folk stories), and Tuồng tân thời (Tuồng with the stories from new novels). Special Tuồng plays called Tuồng ngự were selected by the Minstry of Rites to be performed for for the king’s enjoyment.

Alla (lullaby) is an oral form of ICH sung by one person, usually a mother who is putting her baby to sleep. Alla is important in raising a child. That alla is a unique part of Turkic culture has been stated in many sources. Alla is highly emotive in that it allows a child to perceive not only motherly affection but also her spiritual sufferings. \n\nAlla creators and performers are mothers. The content and melody of all songs are derived from the spiritual state of a mother. The Spirit of the period is reflected in the song. Today, mothers perform all, enriching the songs with new content by signing and praising love for life, a happy life, and a bright future. The Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in cooperation with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, organized an expedition to Ferghana Valley to research and classify intangible cultural heritage samples as well as to inventory and define the bearers of this heritage. The expedition team recorded samples of alla songs. Through these recordings, listeners can feel a high sense of motherly love as well as the utterance of a suffering human spirit. \n\nAlla\nI say alla my dear baby, \nListen to it. alla. \nListening to my sweet alla, \nEnjoy rest, alla. \nListen to my sweet alla, \nGo to sleep, alla, \nMay your future be prosperous. \nMy little soul, alla-yo.

Katta Ashula (a song performed with a plate) is specific to the Ferghana Valley of Uzbekistan. Usually, it is performed a cappella by two to five singers of the same vocal range who use a plate or tray to project their voices in different ways. In most cases, Katta Ashula is performed by singers with a high-pitched, wide-ranging voice, and these are some of the distinguishing features of the complex performance style. Katta Ashula developed from basic traditional events in history, from labour songs, and from different styles of ghazal verses. Usually, Katta Ashula is performed in big gatherings, festivities, and party celebrations.\n\nKatta Ashula songs were performed professionally and further developed by famous Khofizes such as Erkaqori Karimov, Turdiali Ergashev, Matbuva Sattorov, Jo'rakhon Sultonov, Mamurjon Uzoqov, Boltaboy Rajabov, Orif Alimakhsumov, Fattohkhon Mamadaliev, Jo' rakhon Yusupov, and Khamroqulqory To'raqulov. Today, Katta Ashula is masterfully performed by experienced singers with the highest skill, such as Khalima Nosirova, Munojot Yo'lchieva, Ismoil and Isroil Vakhobovs, and Mahmud Tojiboev.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

In 2011 and 2012, field surveys were conducted to examine the intellectual property issues that could arise in the process of ICH information building and sharing. The survey was conducted in eleven countries—Cook Islands, Fiji, India, Kazakhstan, Korea, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Viet Nam. The purpose of the surveys was to highlight the IP-related problems that ICH-related organisations may encounter while conducting ICH information–related activities, such as identification, documentation, digitisation, etc., and promoting the groundwork for a guide to protect IP-related aspects of ICH in the process of information building and sharing.

In 2011 and 2012, field surveys were conducted to examine the intellectual property issues that could arise in the process of ICH information building and sharing. The survey was conducted in eleven countries—Cook Islands, Fiji, India, Kazakhstan, Korea, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Viet Nam. The purpose of the surveys was to highlight the IP-related problems that ICH-related organisations may encounter while conducting ICH information–related activities, such as identification, documentation, digitisation, etc., and promoting the groundwork for a guide to protect IP-related aspects of ICH in the process of information building and sharing.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 5 is 'ICH AND SACRED RITUALS'.

The sixth sub-regional networking meeting took place in Pacific Harbor, Fiji, in April 2015. The meeting was organized by ICHCAP and the Department of Heritage and Arts of Fiji in collaboration with the UNESCO Office in Apia.\nThis meeting report includes presentation materials from the sub-regional meeting as well as summaries of the meeting with the intent of providing information to promote international cooperation among experts and institutions in the ICH safeguarding field in the Pacific region.