Silat has been a symbol of pride and identity among Malay communities for centuries as a traditional martial art passed down from generation to generation. Inspired by Malaysia’s natural surroundings, silat has grown as a way to socialize as well as a way of life for its practitioners. \n\nIt also encourages practitioners to explore their inner world and contributes to building the Malay identity and enriching community life. In this video, three silat practitioners and researchers from Malaysia explain the history and philosophy of silat through cinematic reenactments and interviews.

Silat has been a symbol of pride and identity of the Malay community for centuries, being passed down through generations. From being a martial art primarily used for self-defence, silat has grown into becoming a life principle for its practitioners. Through cinematic reenactments and interviews, three silat practitioners and researchers in Malaysia explain the history and philosophy of silat through its three fundamental elements — foundation, pillar, and movements — designed to build character and instill values of civility.

#bhutan #유네스코아태무형유산센터 #bhutanculture \n\nThe term Si has dual connotation of referring to the Calligraphy pen as well as to the specific bamboo from which pen is crafted. According to Lopen (master) Wangdi Gyeltshen, a renown calligrapher of Central Monastic Body said that, there is also another reed locally called Tshi-nag (a reed with dark colour at its internode) which is available from Wangdi-tse monastery area in Thimphu. Actually, there is no specific origin of the Si as it came to exist simultaneously with the writing culture in Bhutan.\n\nColloquially, all pens used for writing purposes are called as Myu-gu, which the name derived from its raw material Myug-ma (bamboo or reed). That is why any pen used for writing available in the market today, irrespective of what it is made of are commonly called Myu-gu (literally means reed pen). As there are different types of My-gu, thus, apart from the aforementioned Si, the pens are made from a wild fern called Kyer-ma is called Kyer-myug, and the ones made of quill is dro-myug, the nib made from metal is chag-myug. Similarly, sol-myug made from dead amber or charcoal, a talc stone is cut like a pencil for use -do-myug, the chalk comes in packets and used for educational purposes in schools is sa-myug. There are also pir-myug (brush pen) and lastly, the zha-myug, the lead pencil.\n\nRegarding the raw material; in Bhutan, Si is traditionally found at Chagdana in Toepai Gewog (Block) in Punakha, and near the Nag-tshang (Manor) at Drametse. It is also found in Kheng region of Zhemgang and at the Yarphel village of Trashi Yangtse district. Si is highly valued as being blessed by superior beings like Lord Manju Shri, Guru Rinpoche, the five classes of dakinis and the Dharma Lord Drukpa Kunleg (4155-1529). Si grows as big as normal bamboo, with short culm or internode, narrow lacuna and thick culm wall. They grow in heights of more than five arm-span. Both the plant and its leaves are generally yellowish. In ancient times, a writing pen was mainly a painting brush in China and in India it was made from the quill (moulted flight feather) of a peacock or other large bird. It is explained that the pen used traditionally in Tibet and Bhutan was made from the plant species called Si, which has thick nodes and grows mainly at lower altitudes.\n\nIt is obvious that, if writing tradition is gradually disappearing, both the art of making Si as well as its usage is an inevitable element to be gone together. Due to the booming computing technologies and automatic printing machines, the writing along with Si related practices are being gradually driven out of its existence however, realizing its importance and for its revival, His Majesty’s Golden Scriptures Project and other similar projects being initiated by some individual Spiritual masters had help in revitalization of such tradition as well as involving calligrapher to carry on the writing and Si making culture amidst the emerging sophisticated technologies.\n\nFor more information\nhttps://www.ichlinks.com/archive/elements/elementsV.do?elementsUid=13874510108445676802

The term Si has dual connotation of referring to the Calligraphy pen as well as to the specific bamboo from which pen is crafted. According to Lopen (master) Wangdi Gyeltshen, a renown calligrapher of Central Monastic Body said that, there is also another reed locally called Tshi-nag (a reed with dark colour at its internode) which is available from Wangdi-tse monastery area in Thimphu. Actually, there is no specific origin of the Si as it came to exist simultaneously with the writing culture in Bhutan. \n\nColloquially, all pens used for writing purposes are called as Myu-gu, which the name derived from its raw material Myug-ma (bamboo or reed). That is why any pen used for writing available in the market today, irrespective of what it is made of are commonly called Myu-gu (literally means reed pen). As there are different types of My-gu, thus, apart from the aforementioned Si, the pens are made from a wild fern called Kyer-ma is called Kyer-myug, and the ones made of quill is dro-myug, the nib made from metal is chag-myug. Similarly, sol-myug made from dead amber or charcoal, a talc stone is cut like a pencil for use -do-myug, the chalk comes in packets and used for educational purposes in schools is sa-myug. There are also pir-myug (brush pen) and lastly, the zha-myug, the lead pencil.\n\nRegarding the raw material; in Bhutan, Si is traditionally found at Chagdana in Toepai Gewog (Block) in Punakha, and near the Nag-tshang (Manor) at Drametse. It is also found in Kheng region of Zhemgang and at the Yarphel village of Trashi Yangtse district. Si is highly valued as being blessed by superior beings like Lord Manju Shri, Guru Rinpoche, the five classes of dakinis and the Dharma Lord Drukpa Kunleg (4155-1529). Si grows as big as normal bamboo, with short culm or internode, narrow lacuna and thick culm wall. They grow in heights of more than five arm-span. Both the plant and its leaves are generally yellowish. In ancient times, a writing pen was mainly a painting brush in China and in India it was made from the quill (moulted flight feather) of a peacock or other large bird. It is explained that the pen used traditionally in Tibet and Bhutan was made from the plant species called Si, which has thick nodes and grows mainly at lower altitudes.\n\nIt is obvious that, if writing tradition is gradually disappearing, both the art of making Si as well as its usage is an inevitable element to be gone together. Due to the booming computing technologies and automatic printing machines, the writing along with Si related practices are being gradually driven out of its existence however, realizing its importance and for its revival, His Majesty’s Golden Scriptures Project and other similar projects being initiated by some individual Spiritual masters had help in revitalization of such tradition as well as involving calligrapher to carry on the writing and Si making culture amidst the emerging sophisticated technologies.

Performed with grace, dignity, and deep cultural symbolism, Tebe-Lilin is a traditional dance that brings together members of a community in shared celebration, remembrance, and expression. It is practiced in several regions of Timor-Leste and is especially known for its emphasis on unity and peaceful co-existence.\n\nThe word “tebe” refers to a communal line or circle dance, while “lilin” translates as candle or light. Together, the name evokes the image of people dancing around a source of light—both literal and symbolic—illuminating shared values such as harmony, hope, and continuity. Historically, dancers would carry actual candles or use candlenuts wrapped in cotton, creating a flickering trail of light as they moved through the night.\n\nTebe-Lilin* is performed by groups of men and women—young and old—who link arms or shoulders and form lines or circles. They move rhythmically in unison, stepping to the beat of babadok drums and chanting in call-and-response style. The songs are often poetic and metaphorical, expressing themes of love, sorrow, longing, and reconciliation. Each verse is rich with meaning, serving not just as entertainment but as oral literature passed from generation to generation.\n\nThe dance is deeply woven into ceremonial life. It features prominently during sau-batar (corn harvest celebrations), barlake (marriage exchanges), community healing rituals, and memorial events. In each setting, Tebe-Lilin helps strengthen the spiritual and emotional ties among participants. Its circular form is believed to create balance and connection, while the singing creates a space for open emotional expression—an opportunity to share joys and wounds alike.\n\nIn some versions of the dance, the use of light is entirely symbolic. The “candle” represents the enduring spirit of the ancestors, the resilience of the community, or the moral light that guides people through challenges. The act of dancing around it becomes a ritual of reaffirmation—a moment when the community collectively reflects on its path forward while honoring its roots.\n\nThough Tebe-Lilin remains alive in certain communities, it faces challenges. Younger generations are increasingly detached from these communal traditions, and the ritual contexts in which the dance once thrived are becoming less frequent. Elders and cultural leaders continue to play a vital role in teaching the songs, movements, and meanings behind the dance, often through village gatherings, church events, and cultural festivals.\n\nIn its form and spirit, Tebe-Lilin exemplifies intangible cultural heritage at its finest: it is an art form, a social practice, and a vehicle for transmitting identity. Every time the dance is performed, it brings light—not just to the night, but to the hearts and memories of those who dance and watch.

The Babadok is a traditional percussion instrument of Timor-Leste, central to the soundscape of communal dance, ritual, and celebration. With its deep, resonant rhythm, the babadok doesn’t just keep time—it sets the emotional pulse of an event, weaving together the steps of dancers, the cadence of songs, and the energy of the gathered community.\n\nTypically made from a hollowed-out log or wooden tube covered at both ends with animal skin—often goat or cowhide—the babadok is lightweight and portable. Struck with the hands or sometimes with short wooden sticks, it produces a sharp, dry beat that is both grounding and expressive. The drumheads are stretched tightly and tied securely with natural fiber ropes, sometimes decorated with paint or carved patterns. Over time, each instrument develops its own distinct tone, shaped by use, climate, and craftsmanship.\n\nIn traditional ceremonies, particularly dances like tebe-tebe or tebe-lilin, the babadok is the heartbeat of the performance. It provides tempo, signals changes in movement, and helps dancers synchronize their steps. More than a musical tool, the babadok becomes a channel through which emotions—joy, sorrow, gratitude—are communicated and shared. During ritual gatherings, it may accompany singing, recitation of oral histories, or moments of spiritual invocation.\n\nThe instrument is most often played by women, though in some regions both men and women participate. Its accessibility is part of its charm—anyone with rhythm, respect, and a sense of the tradition can learn to play. Children often grow up hearing the babadok played at family ceremonies or village festivals, absorbing its patterns and rhythms before they ever try it themselves.\n\nCrafting a babadok is itself an act of cultural care. The choice of wood, the drying and stretching of the skins, and the tying of the drum all follow methods passed down through generations. Elders often guide young artisans in this process, emphasizing not just the technique but the responsibility that comes with creating something used in sacred and social spaces.\n\nDespite its enduring importance, the babadok—like many traditional instruments—faces challenges in modern times. Mass-produced drums and changing musical preferences mean that fewer young people are learning to make or play it. Still, efforts are being made to preserve the tradition, with community performances, school programs, and cultural events placing the instrument back at the center of public life.\n\nIn the rhythm of the babadok, one can hear more than music: it is the sound of continuity, of people moving together, of ancestors remembered and futures imagined. Whether echoing across a dusty dance circle or softly beating in a sacred house, the babadok remains a powerful symbol of Timor-Leste’s living heritage.

Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana.\nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.

In several rural communities of Timor-Leste, Tuku-Osan—meaning “iron striking” or traditional blacksmithing—remains a respected livelihood and cultural craft. Practitioners, often known as tukun-besi (blacksmiths), transform scrap metal into ritual accessories and functional tools using simple, locally made equipment: a small furnace, a bellows typically fashioned from bamboo or wood, hammers, anvils, and chisels.\n\nThis blacksmithing tradition is not just about utility but also ceremony. Items created include decorative arm rings (li’uli’u), ritual knives, and symbolic metal accessories worn during important events like weddings, funerals, and traditional dances. These artifacts often serve as markers of identity, social status, or ancestral ties.\n\nApprenticeship usually begins at home, with young boys observing and gradually assisting their fathers or uncles in forging metal. Mastery takes years and involves not only technical skill but knowledge of the symbolic meanings tied to each object. For instance, some blades or tools are believed to possess protective properties or spiritual significance, especially when used during sacred rituals or by lia-nain (custom custodians).\n\nThe process itself requires intense physical labor and patience. The blacksmith begins by heating pieces of iron until they are malleable, then striking them repeatedly on an anvil to shape them. The rhythmic clanging of hammer against metal is accompanied by puffs of smoke from the wood-fired furnace—an image that recalls generations of artisans practicing the same technique.\n\nWhile modern materials and factory tools have reduced the demand for handmade ironwork, many rural communities continue to commission traditional blacksmiths for ceremonial needs. These craftspeople are regarded as keepers of ancestral knowledge, and their work is vital to ensuring that elements of Timorese identity endure in tangible form.

This dance was introduced in the 15th century by Pema Lingpa, to whom it was revealed in a vision. When King Thrisong Detsen of Tibet was building Samye monastery in Tibet, Guru Rinpoche applied his supernatural powers and manifested in the form of Ging, representing immense positive force to combat and subdue the evil spirits that were hindering the construction of the monastery, which was an important part of establishing the teachings of the Buddha. The dance depicts Zangdo Pelri, the paradise of Guru Rinpoche. The enlightened sages of India and Tibet are seated in a row on his right and the scholars are seated on his left. In the intermediate areas are the 108 treasure discoverers who are his incarnations and his 25 disciples including King Thrisong Detsen. The inner dance, called the Ging dance, is performed by an assembly of spiritual heroes, deities and dakinis in their peaceful and wrathful forms. The outer dance called Tsholing is performed by the the Tsholings, terrifying deities seen as protectors of the religion. After they have destroyed the evil spirits symbolised by an effigy in a black box they are chased away by the Ging, who then perform a victory dance while beating their drums. The Tsholing dancers wear long colourful dresses and terrifying masks, while the Ging dancers wear imitation tiger skins and terrifying masks with a flag on the top and carry drums in their left hands and drumsticks in their right. This dance symbolises the victory of good over evil.

This is an original dance reconstructed based on traditional dances of Bali. To the Balinese, dance is a form of religious ritual performed according to the Balinese calendar. The traditional dances of Bali are inspired by nature and represent traditions, customs and religious value. The Balinese believe that the movements of traditional dances express the views of nature, while the mudra (hand movements) are related to their daily lives, laws, faith and customs. Traditional Balinese dances can be performed by both male and female dancers, who wear elaborate traditional costumes of bright colors, imprinted with flora and fauna patterns in gold foil, and decorated with accessories adorned by golden leaves and jewelry. The dance moves are very complex and precisely detailed. Dancers are required to possess not just skill, but also inner beauty (taksu), charisma, modesty and restraint, along with special spiritual power to bring the dances to life.\n\nDances performed in the many communities of Bali are typically transmitted through unofficial channels from elders to children in the traditional sekaa groups. The traditional dances of Bali are cultural heritage containing the customs and culture of the Balinese, and an important part of the identity of a community. The three genres of traditional Balinese dances were inscribed to the UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An original dance reconstructed from the three genres of traditional dance in Bali inscribed to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015.\n\nPerformed by Dance Company of Jakarta State University\nDirected by Ida Bagus Ketut Sudiasa

This dance is a reconstruction of the masked dance performed in the Drametse region, rearranged for a solo performance. ‘Nga’ means drum, and ‘Cham’ means ‘masked ritual dance’. The Drametse Nga Cham is a dance performed during the Drametse festival to commemorate the great teacher ‘Padmasambhava’, who brought Tibetan Buddhism to Bhutan in the 8th century.\n\nIt is said that Drametse Nga Cham originated from a dance performed by legendary male and female heroes living in the celestial world. Traditionally, it was performed by 10 musicians and 16 male dancers. The dancers wear monk’s robes and wooden masks depicting real or legendary animals, and dance in the temple yard.\n\nDrametse Nga Cham has an important place in the Bhutanese society, with religious and cultural significance. The Bhutanese see this dance as the source of their spiritual strength and a symbol of their national identity. However, there have been challenges in its transmission in recent years, with a decline in the number of practitioners and students.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008\n∙Cham, a type of masked ritual dance\n\nPerformed by Ngawang Tencin\nDirected by Ngawang Tencin

Bakhshi - is an epic creator. The Bakhshi art is one of the specific genres of folk performing art. Bakhshi is a master and improvisator of words and stories, a skillful musician (skillfully plays on certain musical instrument) and singer (possesses the skills of traditional singing), who can accompany his performance with mimicry and plastique. He should be familiar with the life of his nation, with its culture and history. Moreover, he should have a rich vocabulary and masterly use popular language, be able to play with words, use their diverse forms. And all these features are connected with the art of bakhshi (bakhshichilik), which has centuries-long history. The repertoire of Uzbek storytellers and narrators includes heroic, historical and romantic dostons, which incorporated ancient cultural traditions, memory of the nation, its spiritual world and historical destiny, its civic, moral and aesthetic ideals. In dostons it is possible to find the ideas of patriotism and humanism, commitment and love, friendship and brotherhood. At the same time, freedom of fantasy, which is observed among bakhshis, makes possible artistic realization of folk ideals. It should be noted that doston is not about verbal performance only. It is also the work of art which is prosaic, poetic and musical. Indeed, bakhshi does not read doston but sings it. The singing is accompanied by playing on dombra or by instrumental ensemble. The whole artistic composition, all figurative means and expressions of doston are aimed at improving the perception of listeners.