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A Look into Jeju: Living in Harmony with NatureJeju is a volcanic island filled with stones. Previous eruptions have produced volcanic bombs (large volcanic rocks) scattered around, covering the whole island. This is why it is difficult to cultivate crops in Jeju. Since the thirteenth century, the people of Jeju have been making stone walls to secure farmlands. The total length of stone walls is estimated at 22,100 km. These stone walls look like they are heaped up randomly. However, Jeju people’s wisdom is time-tested, unassumingly sturdy, hidden in those walls. Because the island is prone to strong winds all throughout the year, taking note of typhoons in the summer, they built the stone walls like roughly-heaped stones with holes to let the wind pass through, weakening the possibility of structural collapse.\n\nTamna is Jeju’s old name. The beginning of Tamna is illustrated by Samseong myth. Legend has it that three demigods emerged from holes in the ground. The ground is called samseonghyeol, which is still considered as a sacred place. The emergence from the ground shows difference in cultural archetype from the birth myth of the mainland involving the egg from the heavens. There are 18,000 gods and goddesses in Jeju. Jeju people believe that god lives in everything. Such belief is shaped by Jeju’s naturally difficult tendencies. As people in Jeju battle with endless wind and water shortage due to the island’s barren volcanic environment, they rely on gods to adapt to the roughness of Jeju.\n\nThere are Bonhyangdang Shrines, the house of gods protecting people’s livelihoods. simbangs (shaman in Jeju dialect) act as intermediary between Jeju people and gods. They perform yeongdeunggut in the second lunar month for haenyeo (female divers) and fishermen who depend on the sea for a living. The Yeongdeung is the goddess of the wind, who can raise the waves, which is why she is deemed important for the safety of people pursuing the sea. Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut, the representative yeongdeunggut in Jeju, was listed as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity of UNESCO in 2009. There are many other rituals for gods and goddesses of the sea, which are held in roughly 30 areas in Jeju during the same month. There are many stories related to goddesses in Jeju. Different from goddesses in other countries, Jeju goddesses neither depend on nor belong to gods. This is a characteristic shown by Grandmother Seolmundae, the giant who created the island by carrying soil in her skirts; Grandmother Samseung, the goddess of babies; and Jacheongbi, the goddess of farming. Jeju women have high self-esteem unlike those in patriarchal East Asian societies following Confucian teachings. They also participate in the economy more actively than their counterparts in other regions in Korea. Jeju haenyeo is a representative example of women’s participation in the economy. In 2016, the Culture of Jeju Haenyeo was inscribed on the Representative the List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO during the eleventh Session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It shows matriarchal characteristics of Jeju. In Jeju where the soil is not fit for rice farming, many women became divers to find food from the sea and learned how to cooperate with each other.\n\nDespite the unique challenges in the island, Jeju people have used nature without destroying it, depending on 18,000 gods and neighbors. Such characteristics form the core of the Jeju culture.\n\nPhoto : Jeju haenyeo (female divers) crossing low stone walls to get to the sea © Jeju Haenyeo MuseumYear2017NationSouth Korea
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CLIMBING THE PRIORITY LADDER: EDUCATION AND ICHEvery year there is much ado about inscribing items on UNESCO’s Representative List. When the dust of that spectacle settles down, it is possible to discern what was distinctive and important in a meeting of the Intergovernmental Committee, in the long run and on the ground (everywhere). In 2015, in Windhoek (10.COM), it was, next to the breakthrough of the notion of stakeholders,1 glocal ethics.2 This took the form of, on the one hand, the twelve ethical principles (and the still unfulfilled promise to create a web platform with relevant tools) and, on the other hand a new chapter, of the Operational Directives that partially translated themes of the 2030 Agenda to intangible heritage safeguarding policy.Year2018NationSouth Korea
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International Cooperation through Tugging Rituals and Games and their Achievements: Activities in Post Multinational InscriptionsTug-of-war is a universal cultural phenomenon all around the world. Especially in Asia, the tug-of-war is related to rice farming and is thus commonly found in the farming cultures of Northeast and Southeast Asia. As practiced in Asia, the tug-of-war is performed either as a prayer for rain, or for a good harvest, or to foretell whether the year’s harvest will be good or bad. Tug-of-war activities have similarities that include two teams pulling at the opposite ends of a rope. They also have distinctness, individuality, and creativity interactivity with the climate or environment, making tug-of-war events worth preserving as a common element of Asian intangible cultural heritage (ICH).\n\nRecognizing the universality and distinctness of tug-of-war traditions in Asia, Cambodia, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Vietnam prepared a multinational file to nominate “Tugging Rituals and Games” to the UNESCO Representative List of the ICH of Humanity through mutual communications and meetings. The Republic of Korea submitted the nomination file to the Convention Secretariat on behalf of the four countries on 31 March 2014. The nomination file was eventually recognized on 2 December 2015 during the tenth session of the Intergovernmental Committee held from 30 November to 4 December 2015 in Namibia.\n\nThe inscription of Tugging Rituals and Games to the UNESCO Representative List of the ICH of Humanity has brought about a sensation in each country. The news of the multinational inscription was covered in a slew of media outlets in each country, and in particular, Vietnam selected the multinational inscription as one of the top ten cultural news events of 2015. The Republic of Korea, which led the multinational inscription, conducted commemorative events, such as holding an exhibition and publishing books in Korean and English.Year2021NationSouth Korea
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VARIETY AND MEANING IN JULDARIGI, KOREAN TUG-OF-WARDuring Dan-o, Daeboreum, and Chuseok, pre-modern Koreans used to hold celebrations composed of rituals to the communal deity, communal games, and various folk arts. Among the communal games, the tug-of-war was the most common. It was widely distributed around the central southern region of Korea and played simultaneously or in rotation with other communal games.Year2014NationSouth Korea
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Jeju Chilmeoridang YeongdeunggutJeju Yeongdeunggut is a shamanic ritual performed during the second lunar month to greet and see off the goddess Yeongdeung. Yeongdeung, the goddess of wind, is typically recognized in the form of Yeongdeunghalmang (Grandmother Yeongdeung). In winter, when the cold wind blows from the northwest, she brings prosperity to the land and sea. It was the custom for the Yeongdeung Welcoming Ritual to be performed to celebrate her arrival and the Yeongdeung Farewell Ritual to be performed fifteen days later to mark her departure.Year2021NationSouth Korea
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Effects of Covid-19 on the Continuity of FestivalsKathmandu Valley, the land of festivals, rituals, and celebrations all around the year, has its fair share during the spring as well. The festival of colors signifies the arrival spring and warm weather. It is celebrated on the full-moon day, which normally falls in the month of March depending on the lunar calendar. Also, several festivals and chariot processions follow afterwards and are specific to cities and towns within the valley. These festivals have continued since their inception, even when the devastating earthquake hit Kathmandu Valley in 2015.\n\nBut this year the global coronavirus pandemic threaten many festivals, which have been halted or celebrated with few participants. Holi, which used to be celebrated in huge groups were celebrated with just families and in smaller groups. The rituals associated with Holi, like raising and falling of chir—a long wooden pole with multicolor clothes hanging on it as umbrella were performed. This year Holi was celebrated on 9 March in Kathmandu Valley, and with threat of spreading Corona Virus, the government of Nepal issued notice not to have a mass gathering. So the festival of color was celebrated with just families and was not in a celebratory mode like in previous years.\n\nAfter that, most of the festival that followed were not held this year, limiting to just formal rituals. Pachare, one of the major festivals of Kathmandu, saw just family rituals and celebrations within families. The celebration with gatherings of different localities with the mother goddess in palanquins was halted. During the same time, the Nepal army used to hold a horseracing festival in Tudikhel (a large open space within Kathmandu), which also gave the festival name Ghode Jatra for the non-Newa community. This public event used to be attended by high-profile people of the country including the President and Prime Minister. This year just few days ahead of the event, the Nepal army canceled it.\n\nSimilarly, with the stress of the rapid spreading of the coronavirus all over the world, the other festivals are also being cancelled. The organizing committee of chariot procession of Seto Machindranath held a meeting and cancelled the yearly procession. Every year the festival chariot procession takes place in March or April for four days in Kathmandu with huge fanfare. This year it was supposed to take place from 30 March to 2 April.\n\nFollowing Kathmandu, the major festival of Bhaktapur “Biska Jatra,” which is celebrated for eight to nine days depending on lunar calendar was also cancelled this year. This year the festival was supposed to take place from 9 to 17 April, with the events like chariot procession, raising wooden pole called yosi, several other rituals, and so on. During this event, there used to be a mass gathering, people participating as well as spectators even from the neighboring cities. After meeting with the local government, municipalities, community leaders, and Guthi members, the decision was made not to continue the festival this year. Like in other places, the community decided to go ahead with just formal rituals.\n\nThe festivals in Nepal are not just for public gatherings, music, and dances but also for the extended family members to get together and strengthen the family ties. This is the first time that these major festivals were discontinued as people are advised to keep social distancing and in lockdown. The effect of Covid-19 also was seen in the small community rituals of Guthi. The social association used to have many community specific rituals in the springtime.\n\nPhoto : Chir which signifies the Holi festival in front of Gaddi Baithak in Kathmandu © Monalisa MaharjanYear2020NationNepal
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Poe (Incense sticks) Production in BhutanThe burning of incense in the sacred shrines of Buddhist monasteries, temples, and also in the consecrated spaces that house the representations of the supreme spiritual beings is considered a kind of offering of sweet fragrances to the enlightened beings and also has the power to purify the impurities associated with us in any form that prevent us from realizing the innate Buddha nature and receiving the blessings. For this reason, incense is crucial in the performance of any type of ritual in the world of Buddhism. In general, burning herbs and making smoke offerings outdoors and burning incense in shrines have the same meaning and benefit; to purify defilements, pacify spirits, accumulate merit for oneself, and connect people to the spiritual world.\n\nThe production of incense is considered one of the religious crafts, as the product is used exclusively for religious purposes. There are two different types of incense: Ja-ju poe (herbal incense) with a yellowish texture and Zu-poe or Choe-jue poe (incense mixed with flesh and blood ingredients) with a brown color. Ja-ju incense is usually burned explicitly for the enlightened beings and when performing Drol-chog (ritual of Goddess Tara) and Rio-sang-chod (smoke offering at the summit of ridges and mountain to attract good fortunes), rituals associated to Nagas (subterrain sentient beings), while the other is offered to the guardian deities and guardian spirits during affirmation rituals.\n\nThe basic raw materials for both incenses are: Powder of Shug-pa (juniper), Tsen-den (weeping cypress), Balu (Rhododendron ciliatum), Sulu (Rhododendron setosum), Aru (Terminalia chebula), Baru (Terminalia bellirica), Manu (Inula racemosa Hook. f), Ruta (Saussurea lappa), Pang-poe (Valeriana officinalis) and water extracted from Zangdrug; (six valuable substances) Chu-gang (bamboo pitch), Gur-gum (saffron), Li-shi (clove), Ka-ko-la (cardamom), Za-ti (nutmeg), Sug-mel (cubeb) Ga-bur (camphor) and also Tsho (colours). When special ingredients such as Kar gsum; (three white substances) milk, curd and butter and an additional mixture of Ngar-gsum; (three sweet substances) brown sugar, molasses and honey are added to these mixed powders, the product becomes herbal incense and similarly, various ingredients of special animal meat, blood, La-tsi (musk), Gi-wang (elephant bile) and alcohols are added to make Zu-poe incense.\n\nMr. Lhundrup (80) learned the art of making incense sticks at the Government Incense Production Center in Thimphu, the capital of Bhutan, and worked for nearly 8 years. In 1918, after his retiremen, while some friends located their incense production more promisingly in the city, Lhundrup established the present incense production named Lhundrup Poezo-khang in his remote village of Urug in Chumey Gewog (block), Bumthang Dzongkhag (district), Bhutan. Currently, he supervises the production unit while his son Sangay Tenzin (50) takes the main role and his mother Uden (67) sometimes assists her son. Two other employees help them produce a plethora of incense sticks with five different types to meet consumer demand.\n\nProduction Process: Based on the license to produce incense sticks, the raw materials, especially dried junipers, are collected from the opposite foot of Yotong la (a mountain pass in the central region at 3425 meters above sea level) and the rest of the materials are purchased from the highlanders. After collecting the raw materials, they are chopped, dried in the sun and processed into fine powder with the help of an electric grinding machine. In the meantime, a helper prepares the extraction of water from the Six Valuable Substances. During mixing in the kneading machine, 80% of the raw material powder is carefully kneaded with the extracted medicinal water. After removal from the kneading machine, the dough-like incense is formed into a palm sized shape and placed into Tsir-shing (traditional wooden compressor) hole, creating a noodle like discharge while an employee places his or her body weight on the compressor liver. These noodle-like incense sticks are rolled between two wooden boards by the incense makers, cut evenly when the bottom wooden board is full, and dried in the sun. The incense sticks are tied into bundles using thread, dried again, and finally ready for making offering.\n\nphoto 1 : Finished product © Yeshi Lhendup\nphoto 2 : Raw materials being dried © Yeshi Lhendup\nphoto 3 : Drying right after the processe © Yeshi Lhendup\nphoto 4 : Incense being offered in the Local Shrine © Yeshi Lhendup\nphoto 5 : Raising of incense smoke © Yeshi LhendupYear2022NationBhutan
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The Pastoralists of Kutch: Fakirani JatsKutch is the largest district located in the western state of Gujarat, India. It is home to several distinct traditional crafts, communities, and indigenous knowledge systems. It is often known as the melting point of numerous diverse cultures, heritage, and rich traditions.\n\nOne of the most unique pastoral communities found in Kutch is the Fakirani Jats. It is one of the four subgroups of the Jat community found across the region’s grasslands. The other three communities are the Hajiyani Jats, Daneta Jats, and Garasiya Jats. The pastoral communities including Fakirani Jats are commonly referred to as Maldharis (maal refers to cattle and dharis who keep these animals). The Fakirani Jats are a pastoral community by occupation, and they move throughout the year with herds of camels and buffaloes as part of their nomadic lifestyle. However, they are gradually establishing their roots in and around Lakhpat, the last civilian point of Kutch, bordering Pakistan.\n\nThe Fakirani Jats are a camel-breeding community and share a special relationship with camels. The camels are an indigenous breed known as kharai that are found only in Gujarat and 40 percent of them are in Kutch. The kharai camels are a unique breed that feeds on the mangrove forests and swim across the ocean for hours. The men of the community can be seen accompanying the kharai camels to the mangrove forests in the Gulf of Kutch and travel with them for around eight to nine months in a year. The camels feed on a typical vegetation grown in the mangroves called cheriya in the local language. The mangroves play an important role in preserving the ecosystem and are the main source of livelihood for many camel breeders of Kutch.\n\nThe community’s survival largely depends on its camels and buffaloes. The Fakirani Jats worship camels and never believed in the commercialization of camel products. They have traditionally depended on buffalo milk only as the means for sustenance however with changes in their lifestyle, many have also started selling camel milk for their livelihood.\n\nToday, the community faces numerous challenges at every level. The increasing industrialization along the coast has affected the mangroves and the grazing routes. This has impacted the lives of the camels and the Fakkirani Jats. In addition, the decreasing number of camels in Kutch is another issue. According to an article, the number of kharai camels has dwindled from 2,200 camels in 2013 to 1,800 in 2018.1. All these are causes of concern for a huge number of communities dependent on the kharai camels. However, a ray of hope has come from several organizations supporting their communities with livelihood opportunities by creating and strengthening unique initiatives to prioritize the needs of the community and keeping alive the existence of an integrated human culture ecosystem in Kutch.\n\nThe author would like to thank the Fakirani Jat community along with Mustak Mustafa for the valuable information provided by them.\n\nPhoto 1~5 : Fakrirani Jats © Rauf MutvaYear2021NationIndia
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Coral Stone Mosques of the Maldives: The Vanishing Legacy of the Indian OceanThe Department of Heritage of the Republic of Maldives held an exhibition to display architectural drawings showcasing Maldivian craftsmanship skills at Maldives National Museum of the Maldives from 28 May to 31 July 2017. The event also featured the illustrations on Maldivian coral carpentry by a renowned Maldivian architect, Mohamed Mauroof Jameel. In the opening ceremony of the exhibition, “Coral Stone Mosques of the Maldives: The Vanishing Legacy of the Indian Ocean” was launched. It is a book detailing the architecture and coral carpentry of coral stone mosques co-authored by Mohamed Mauroof Jameel and Yahya Ahmad, a Malaysian architect.\n\nThe coral stone mosques in Maldives embody the intricate carpentry skills of the Maldivian. Intricately carved, they are exceptional with their lacquerware; an architectural creation seen only in Maldives. Coral carpentry dates back to the Buddhist era in the twelfth century and continued till the introduction of masonry in the late eighteenth century. As the only long-lasting and easily available materials were coral stone and timber, coral stones became the primary building material for monumental buildings. Skilled workers would lift live reef coral boulders or Porite corals from the seabed, cut them into stone blocks while still soft, air dry, and then interlock them to build an edifice. The method of construction using coral blocks was the tongue and groove method, an excellent building technique used in the ancient Maldives. Coral stone construction became even more refined during the emergence of Islam, particularly when the cutting techniques of Swahili region in East Africa influenced Maldivian artisans. The fusion of Buddhist and Islamic cultures in Maldives is reflected in the architecture of the mosques.\n\nHowever, removing corals is now prohibited due to environmental implications. The physical setting of the Maldivian islands with faros (ring-shaped reefs) by reef sediments resulted in the formation of coral reef islands. It is believed that the traditional lifestyle of the people had almost negligible impact on the marine environment. Being a country with more territorial sea than dry land, Maldivians highly depend on resources from the sea. Henceforth, coral reefs are not only economically important to Maldives in terms of revenue since they also function as a buffer to shorelines from wave action and other oceanic processes. It is found that coral mining for coral carpentry could be highly destructive and is carried out at a high cost to the reef environment with a very small return of corals as building materials. Consequently, the Government of Maldives is controlling coral mining with legislation, mindful of the environmental implications of such practice.\n\nThe only coral stone mosques left are those that were built during the ancient times. Maldivians do not practice coral carpentry anymore; however, coral carpentry as a skill is still being transmitted for the future generations. The existing coral carvings and construction are safeguarded by the government and local communities. This heritage embodies spiritual values and history of the Maldivian communities.\n\nPhoto : Detail of coral carving on the premises of Male' Friday Mosque © Dominic SansoniYear2017NationMaldives
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Cultural Heritage in Conflict AreasTo professionals in the sector of cultural heritage and stewards who recognize its significance to us all, tangible objects and intangible traditions both possess more power than many realize. There is a reason why in times of conflict, historic buildings and the rites and rituals related to these tangible elements are targeted as a means of violence: because as a direct line to identity, community, solidarity, belonging, unity, and connection to the past, both tangible and intangible heritage are an easy target for those who seek to obtain control by dismantling those rudimentary building blocks. Extremist groups, political regimes, and global institutions are all well aware that one of the most fundamental ways to injure a people is to separate them from the elements of cultural heritage that otherwise connect us, fill us up, and provide us with a sense of self, place, and purpose—and ultimately make us human.\n\nThe power that cultural heritage holds over entire nations, vastly spread ethnic groups, and displaced people across the globe does increase the vulnerability of the precious manifestations of that heritage—everything from architecture marvels to the surprisingly meaningful trinkets laying around peoples’ houses to the recipes, fairy tales, figures of speech, and traditional melodies passed down from generation to generation. But this strong influence can also be harnessed as a more positive asset, especially in the aftermath of conflict and trauma.\n\nAs communities heal from the wounds carved by violence and destruction in contexts like war, political upheaval, civil unrest, or natural disasters, cultural heritage may be a lifeline to which they can cling. Programs offered by global organizations like ICCROM and grassroots movements alike are mobilizing cultural heritage in the aftermath of destructive conflicts, fashioning it into a tool that will help to re-establish a sense of unity and identity. Honoring traditions by telling stories, revisiting significant locations, cooking recipes, and documenting intangible heritage offers an arena in which current pains can be momentarily soothed by the comfort of familiar customs and the reunification of a community. The education of local history has offered a similar sense of togetherness through the remembrance of a shared past, in which our identities the present day are so deeply rooted. But furthermore, history adds a layer of perspective, accounting for many of the grudges and lingering pains in which modern conflicts are often steeped.\n\nOutside of conflict zones, heritage can continue to pull its weight in the post-conflict recovery process. As refugees navigate displacement in new environments, collections at museums containing heritage objects that hail from their home countries can become touchstones of familiarity and opportunities for intangible heritage to be remembered and maintained. Through both the tangible objects themselves, which may hold particular significance and meaning to the people who come from the same cultural background, and through the elements of intangible heritage, memory, and identity that the items invoke, historical artifacts can be instrumental in establishing new communities and connections among immigrants and refugees.\n\nSeveral museums have recognized their role as meeting places offering programs in which displaced communities are trained as museum guides and deliver tours in their native languages, projects like this enable displaced people to be connected to their heritage while participating in the exchange of diverse cultural experiences within the museum. Although the tangible collections are the base of such initiatives, they also provide a venue for language, memory, culture, and identity to be expressed and kept alive.\n\nBoth on the ground as the dust settles in post-conflict zones and in widespread corners of the globe where displaced persons start new lives, cultural heritage has great potential to serve as a steppingstone as individuals and communities take steps forward in their healing process. In reconnecting individuals to the traditions, memory, community, shared history, and identity that shapes every one of us, heritage is undoubtedly powerful. But beyond this, in its appeal to the part of the human psyche that inherently yearns to belong to something, to know where we have come from, and to feel safely held by the cultures, which serve as a placeless home, some would argue that heritage is essential.\n\nPhoto : Science Photo Library, CC BY NTB scanpixYear2020NationCentral Asia
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Humor and Commemoration in the Newar Community of NepalThe Newar community of Nepal celebrates a festival known as Sa Paru (Procession of Cows or Festival of Cows) every year on the first day of the waning moon of Bhadra (between August and September). It fell on 27 August this year. On this day, people take cows to the streets for a procession throughout the ancient city. They also take young boys dressed as gods, carrying traditional musical instruments. Others join the procession with incense sticks. Two important components of the festival are entertainment value and religious piety. This is why people make sure the festival is a fun event and at the same time a space where they can demonstrate kindness to each other by giving and sharing water, juice, or milk.\n\nThe ancient tales regarding the origin of this festival date back to the seventeenth century, the time of death of the young son of King Pratap Malla. Seeing the queen inconsolable, the king started a procession of his kingdom’s common subjects who had lost their loved ones the same year. This was the king’s way of showing the queen that she was not alone in experiencing the pain of losing someone important; that other people, rich and poor, are equally vulnerable to loss and suffering. Even though the king of Kathmandu is believed to have started this procession, other cities like Bhaktapur and Patan also celebrate the festival. Without a doubt, it is also celebrated in other cities throughout the country where the Newars of Kathmandu Valley migrated and settled.\n\nA distinctive aspect of the festival is that humor has an oddly thematic attribute about it. People go on the streets dressed as various funny characters; some men are even dressed as women. This humor tendency of the festival is known as khyalaa. A reading of this in the context of the festival could be that humor may help people go through the sometimes intoxicating process of mourning and commemoration; that laughing about loss could be a way to deliver oneself from the pain. Furthermore, the humor tendency of the festival also serves as grounds for local actors to organize street plays satirizing the government. During times of strict political regulation and censorship, this festival provided artists with the freedom to express their dissatisfaction, giving the general public a chance to feel that their sentiments are still relevant. In contemporary times, these street plays are not as common as they were, but some villages and towns in Kathmandu Valley like Pyang Gau and Kirtipur continue the street plays. Now the dynamics and operation of plays during the festival are changing; most are commercially organized in public venues and theaters. At any rate, the festival is remembered as a spectacular union of humor and commemoration.\n\nPhoto 1 : Family members of the decreased person participating in the processions. The men in white dress are sons of the decreased family and its custom that the sons wear the white dress for the whole year if their parents die. The kids in the flashy dress are the children of that family. © Monalisa Maharjan\nPhoto 2 : Participants in the procession © Monalisa MaharjanYear2018NationNepal
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Mat Weaving in the MaldivesThundukunaa or traditional mat is popularly presented as a royal gift in the ancient times. Traditionally produced by women, the practice of making Maldivian traditional mat is handed down from generation to generation—mostly from mother to daughter. The women of Gaafu Dhaalu Gahdhoo are perhaps the most skilled producers of this prominent symbol of Maldivian craftsmanship. The mats are hand-woven on a loom from reeds which are dried in the sun and stained with natural dyes of different colors. Thundukunaa is created with beautiful, elaborate, and ornate designs. Quite functional in nature, traditionally used for sleeping, seating or praying, thundukunaa is still presented as a memorabilia to visiting foreign dignitaries.\n\nGaafu Dhaalu Fiyoaree harbors the marshland where premium quality reed or hau grows which is used for making thundukunaa. The marshland is of significant importance to the island for its resilience in terms of controlling flooding from heavy downpours and sea surges. The raw material for the Maldivian traditional mat is a specific kind of reed found in Fiyoaree, which can last for hundreds of years. It is also the only island out of the 1,190 islands across the Maldives, where premium quality reeds preferred by the mat weaving community are found. The site is of national significance in both ecological and cultural aspects. Therefore, establishing a business model for reed is of crucial importance for conservation of the area.\n\nThrough successfully receiving the small grant scheme from the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and the Mangroves for the Future (MFF) facilitated through United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the Maldives Authentic Crafts Cooperative Society (MACCS) has not only been able to revive traditional livelihoods (reed cultivation and mat weaving), but has also empowered a number of women and enhanced their general well-being. MACCS is still continuing to revive the tradition by organizing a number of mat weaving workshops across the Maldives. The organization has also released a folk story on the Fiyoaree reeds, raising awareness of the source of thundukunaa. The last workshop held in Fuvahmulah to teach the tradition of mat weaving concluded on 10 October 2017.\n\nPhoto : Thundukunaa from a festival held by MACCS and Velassaru Maldives to support local artisans © Velassaru MaldivesYear2017NationMaldives