Manipuri Theatre, established in 1996 at a remote village of Ghoramara in Kamalganj Upazila of the Moulvibazar district of Bangladesh, has become an example of theatre excellence. The main objective of the organization revolves around safeguarding Manipuri culture and to showcase the ICH traditions of the Manipuri community to a wider audience. Over the last twenty years, the organization has made a mark in theatre, producing around thirty plays. The journey of Manipuri Theatre is quite inspiring. In the past two decades, it has been able to attract theatre goers, create a village-based theatre studio, and present some excellent productions. Their work has been acclaimed for being instrumental in social inclusion of the marginalized Bishnupriya Manipuris and in the fight against extremism in society. The organization has also successfully connected to the Bishupriya Manipuris living in Manipur and other northeastern states of India through regular cultural exchanges.

The Koryo Saram living in Uzbekistan are descendants of Koreans who resettled from Primorsky Krai and Khabarovsk Krai in Russia to Central Asia around 1937. However, unlike the majority of Korean diaspora communities that were formed through voluntary migration, the Koryo Saram of Central Asia were forcibly resettled as a consequence of political decisions. And as a result the Koryo Saram who settled in Central Asia faced huge challenges adapting to their new geographical and sociocultural environment, and as ethnic minorities these challenges were intensified. The establishment and growth of the Korean diaspora community of Uzbekistan took place within this context. nOf the post-Soviet activities to safeguard and transmit intangible cultural heritage, the efforts of the Koryo Saram dance troupes deserve special mention, especially with the somewhat recently established Samjiyeon Dance Troupe, Asadal Dance Troupe, and Koryo Dance Troupe under the Central Koryo Saram Culture Association of Uzbekistan (Koryo Association). Established in 1998, Koryo Dance Troupe is the oldest of the three while the Samjiyeon Dance Troupe and Asadal Dance Troupe were established in 2014 and 2015, respectively. With the exception of Koryo Dance Troupe, young people (in their twenties and thirties) head up these troupes and the dancers are in their teens and twenties. Key activities of all the troupes include both dance education and performance.\nThese Koryo Saram dance troupes perform at various events, including the traditional Koryo Saram festivals of Chuseok (a harvest holiday) and Seolnal (Lunar New Year), and thus play a central role in the continued transmission of intangible cultural heritage. The dance troupes also perform at events alongside various other ethnic groups, promoting the Koryo Saram community’s place within Uzbek society as an ethnic group with a unique and honorable heritage, living harmoniously with its neighbors.y of Uzbekistan took place within this context.

Aida Alymova is an anthropologist and a director of the Public Foundation "Consortium of Museums". She has a Ph.D. in History and her research topic was about the life and culture of the peoples of Central Asia in the late XIX - early XX centuries. For her work on the development and popularization of museums in Kyrgyzstan, she was elected as president of the National Committee of ICOM in Kyrgyzstan in 2019. Aida Alymova is also awarded a diploma from the Ministry of Culture of the Kyrgyz Republic for outstanding achievements in the field of culture. She also acts as a Museum expert at the Turkic Academy based in Nursultan, Kazakhstan.\n\nCurrently, as a director of the Consortium of Museums, she promotes museum development activities, with an aim to ensure the social purpose of museums as institutions for cultural, educational, and scientific functions. She coordinates and implements museum activities to solve professional and social issues and problems in the museums of the Kyrgyz Republic.

Dr. Ming Chee Ang is a general Manager of George Town World Heritage Incorporated and a Facilitator of UNESCO Global Network of Facilitators on Intangible Cultural Heritage. Born and raised in the inner city of George Town, she carries her duties with much passion and fervour, incorporating innovative ideas and holistic management on World Heritage Site for the benefit of the local people. Specialized in resource mobilization, policy making, project management and risk assessment, she has incorporated built conservation, with elements of disaster risk reduction and intangible cultural heritage safeguarding to create a sustainable heritage city for the people who live in, work in and use George Town. Ang also showcases active participation in leading projects, programs and panels, as Executive Producer for George Town Heritage Celebrations, Chairperson for Sia Boey Archaeological Advisory Panel, Chairperson for Penang Public Arts Review Panel, Deputy Chairperson for Penang Island City Council’s Technical Review Panel, Committee for Guar Gepah Archaeological Advisory Panel, lead researcher for “Field Survey of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding Efforts in the Asia-Pacific Region” and “Feasibility Studies on the Introduction of Rent Regulation Enactment”, as well as project manager for “Sia Boey Integrated Management Plan” and “Supporting Community-Based Management and Sustainable Tourism at Melaka and George Town”

The International Institute for the Inclusive Museum (IIIM) brings together a large number ofnclusters of research and capacity building institutions, arts, museums and heritage bodies acrossnthe world. Most of them actively engage on our social media channels. The criteria for participationninclude demonstrated commitment to the ICOM Code of Ethics and Cultural Diversity Charter;nUNESCO Charter and its suite of Soft Law and Hard Law standard setting instruments and theirnethical requirements; UN post 2015 Development Agenda and Sustainable Development Goals. Withnhubs all over the world, IIIM enhances constructive engagement with several knowledgencommunities and promotes state-of-the-art online research, learning and teaching systems.\nnAmaravathi Heritage Society was formed in December 2015 with Amaravathi Mahila Samiti or Women’s Society. The local Ambedkar society advocates the heritage of Dalits. The society directly started working with the poorest and most disadvantaged Chenchu and Yenadi tribal communities. Then the Dhanyakataka (Amaravathi) Buddhist Society was also included. Later on the Women’s Empowerment Development Society WEDS actively participated in their working. Amaravathi is a village and with three other villages and 19 hamlets, it constitutes a mandalam or administrative unit. The total population is about 27,600. After establishment the first challenge for the institute was to raise heritage consciousness and bring together the people to take ownership of their ‘Varasatvamu’ or heritage, especially intangible heritage. Its aim is to practice of heritage tourism, where the valuing and safeguarding of primary resources, cultural and natural, in creating products for the recreational spectrum. Amaravathi Heritage Town is a lead project designated by the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh. Curating the town brings together all the cultural heritage values and environmental ethics into one seamless local community cultural development project.\n Amaravathi Heritage Town project facilitated by the International Institute for the Inclusive Museum has given a platform to many CBOs and NGOs to work together. Participatory cultural mapping enabled the location of the first voice of primary stakeholders in the project. The town has waited for 2000 years to be considered for development since the times of the Satavahana and Ikshvaku kingdoms when Amaravathi was the capital. It was here that Mahayana Buddhism took both and spread all over Asia, especially Korea, Japan and China. It is the civil society that is revitalising and safeguarding the intangible heritage and conserving the tangible heritage. Amaravathi Heritage Town project is the catalyst for sustainable heritage development.

Prabartana is a social enterprise, working since 1986 with the artisans related to handloom for market linkage and revival of Tangail Taant shaari. The organisation provides training to the weavers with improved technical enhancement like documentation of pattern in computer instead of manual style of Jacquard patter design. As a safeguarding action they are involved in artisans’ exhibition and workshop for cultural exchange, audio-visual documentations and publications of books, social media based promotions and audience development with the use of website, webpage, newspaper articles and festival relevant brochures. Resource mobilisation is done through individual investments and collaborations with Government organisations for tourism and craft. The initiatives have helped ICH practitioners to acquire skills and enhance livelihood opportunities. Most of the beneficiaries are women from the marginalized communities living in the remote villages. They are now working for the revival several near lost performing folk art forms like Banbibir Pot (Sundarban), Chunaibibir Gaan (Chittagong), Song Jatra (Tangail), Meyeli Geet (Tangail, Kishorganj & Mymensingh) and Alkap (Chapai). They are also working on the crafts and musical instruments of Monipuri community.

Mataginifale Women's Group

The Tai communities live in Son La, Lai Chau, Yen Bai and Dien Bien provinces in the Northwest of Viet Nam. Kin Pang Then is one of Then's important rituals of the Tai people. This is the occasion where the Then master and his followers perform a thanksgiving ritual for the Then god. The ritual includes songs and music that symbolically express the journey of the Then Master to travel to the other world to look for the lost souls of the disciples/clients and to call the souls coming back to their bodies. The film is about the destined ritual Master and his ritual performance with Xoe dance for healing, good luck and well being for the local people. The film demonstrates the spiritual life and religious Then practice of the Tai in Northwestern religion in Viet Nam.

▶ Play Video 7. The T’boli A People Who Live with Art\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on September 19, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe T’boli (Tagabili, Tiboli), together with the B’laan to the east and Teduray to the north, are in a single language group distinct from the remaining language groups of Mindanao. The T’boli traditionally live in scattered ettlements in the highlands of southwestern Mindanao, in the province of South Cotabato. The cultural communities surround the complex of highland lakes—Lake Sebu, Lake Selutan, and Lake Lahit. Settlements are composed of family clusters of fifteen or more households. Clusters are at elevations averaging 3,000 feet above sea level. Recently, these settlements have grown to comprise thirty or more households. Each settlement has a ceremonial house called a gono bong (big house). Members of such communities are usually related by kinship.\n\nThe T’boli practice swidden farming, cultivating highland rice (teneba), the staple food, potato, sugar cane, taro, and sweet potato. Corn and coffee are considered cash crops. Owning a horse is an indicator of economic status. Forests function as the main source of food, and the main source of protein is lake fish.\n\nThe T’boli are noted for their backstrap loom textile, t’nalak, which is woven from tie-dyed abaca fiber. Personal ornaments made of multicolored beads and embroidered blouses and hats are other notable features of the T’boli. Small household metal industries use the lost-wax process to manufacture cast brass bolo handles, figurines and betel-nut containers, and other ornaments.\n\nWhile the kinship system is bilateral, there is a strong male dominance. The father leads the household, and the oldest male leads joint and extended families. The oldest male child takes over this dominance upon the death of the father. If there is no son, lomolo is practiced, whereby the father’s eldest brother assumes the wealth of the deceased and claims the latter’s wife as his own.\n\nThe communities are also linked through a recognized leader, the datu, who does not officially command but whose word is respected because of his status, economic means, reputed courage, skill in settling disputes, and wisdom in the interpretation of custom laws. The position is achieved through community validation. He traditionally acquires rights over a person for whom he has paid an unsettled debt.\n\nA major social ritual of the T’boli is the mo-ninum, which is usually celebrated for a marriage and includes a multilateral exchange of articles of wealth (kimu). After six ceremonial feasts, for which the families take turns being hosts (moken) and guests (mulu), the ceremony climaxes with the marriage itself. The whole cycle may take many years to complete and sometimes results in the construction of a gono mo-ninum, a huge house that can accommodate more than two hundred people.\n\nMaguindanaoMandayaKalingaSubanonTagalogManobo

Nepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.

Webinar: “Life, Environment, and ICH along the Silk Roads”\n\n<Day 1>\n\n1. 'The Need to Shift from Global to Local' by Helena Norberg-Hodge\n2. 'On Cooperative Mechanism for the Silk Roads ICH toward Sustainable Development' by Seong-Yong Park\n3. 'Vitality and Sustainability of the Silk Roads ICH Festivals' by Alisher Ikramov\n4. 'The Water-Performance Installation Project—Art Practice for the Coexistence of Humanity and Nature in the Silk Roads Region' by Dong-jo Yoo\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession1 : Online Strategic Meeting on Silk Roads ICH Networking\n: Case Studies on the Vitalization of the Silk Roads ICH: ICH Festivals & Sustainable Development\n\n1. 'Case of Tajikistan : Role of Festivals for ICH Safeguarding Within Local Communities' by Dilshod Rahimi\n2. 'Case of Kyrgyzstan: Influences and Effects of ICH Festivals on Local Communities' by Sabira Soltongeldieva\n3. 'Case of Kazakhstan: ICH Festivals’ Influence and Effects on Local Communities' by Khanzada Yessenova\n4. 'Andong International Mask Dance Festival: Realization of Folkloric Values and Transmission of ICH' by Ju Ho Kim\n5. 'Case of Turukmenistan : Future of ICH Safeguarding' by Shohrat Jumayev\n\n<Day 2>\n\nSession2: Cooperation and Solidarity for Operating the ICH Network along the Silk Roads\n\n1. 'On the Feasibility of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Sangcheol Kim\n2. 'Operational Issues of the Network' by Alim Feyzulayev\n3. 'Cultural Context of a CIOFF Festival' by Philippe Beaussant\n4. 'ICH Festivals in Specific Goal and Task' by Kaloyan Nikolov\n5. 'Identifying Ways to Develop Intangible Heritage Festivals through Community Networks (Focusing on the Case of the Gijisi Tug-of-War Festival)' by Daeyoung Ko\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession3: Collaborative Work and Benefits through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network\n\n1. 'Scope and Definition of Collaborative Work through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Kwon Huh\n2. 'Cooperative Measures for Festivals in the Silk Road Region' by Jahangir Selimkhanov\n3. 'ichLinks: Information-Sharing Platform as a Key Base for Safeguarding and Use of Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific' by Sangmook Park\n4. 'Case Study: Silk Roads Heritage Corridor - Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Iran' by Krista Pikkat\n5. 'UNESCO Silk Road Online Platform' by Mehrdad Shabahang\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion

This is the history of how native Yapese learned to use indigenous betel nuts (areca nuts). Native Yapese added pepper leaf and coral lime powder to betel nut and called it langad. Langad was not used by the native Yapese until it was introduced by a friendly ghost who was stranded on the main island of Yap several hundreds of years ago. The ghost, whose name was Llong, was left behind by his companion Luug. Llong then settled himself at the Ron’uw village in the northwestern part of the island. For some reason, Llong relocated himself to Gilyaboch village on the Gakaan peninsula on the western side of the island. There he lived and began making and setting fish traps along the water. Day after day, the natives saw him and wondered what he was doing in the water and who he was. The natives approached him and became friends with him. Llong taught them how to make fish traps and how to set them in the water to catch fish. When setting the traps, branchy corals were required to be placed on and around the traps to cover them. Collecting branchy corals almost every day for the traps, the natives asked Llong if those corals were edible, seeing that they were almost everywhere in the fishing ground. He replied that they were edible, but needed to be processed in advance. So they collected some of the branchy corals and brought them onto land. Thereafter, Llong taught and showed them how to make lime powder out of branchy corals. Llong explained that the powder shouldn’t be taken alone, but could only be taken with two more elements. Llong ordered the natives to bring betel nuts and pepper leaves. Native Yapese at that time used the trunks of betel nut trees only for building houses, but did not use the nuts. Llong gathered everything up and demonstrated how it use it. He added a little amount of powder in a split betel nut and wrapped a piece of pepper leaf around it, putting it in his mouth and chewing on it. After he chewed the mixture, he spat the bloody red liquid out of his mouth. It looked very interesting to the natives, so they tried it right away. Eventually, everyone had a chance to try the newly discovered products. They all felt high from using them and began singing, dancing, and enjoying the sensation until they all felt tired and wanted to take a nap. During their naps, Llong bestowed his blessings upon the langad ingredients so the natives would have the interest or the urge to use them again. When they woke up from the short nap, they were sober and all surprised to see the redness on their lips as well as the spit marks on the ground. They got worried and concerned that their chief in Lamear village might find out what they had done, so they kept it a secret from him. Later, they decided to pay the chief a visit and present him the langad. The chief tried it for the first time and was very impressed. He showed his great excitement, saying that he had never experienced such a euphoria. From then on, he proclaimed the tradition that the people should offer him the langad on a regular basis. This is the story of how native Yapese started using betel nuts. It began in Gilyaboch village, but quickly spread to their chief in Lamear village and to other allies on the island. This knowledge of chewing betel nut with coral lime powder spread throughout the island and became a tradition of the Yapese culture hundreds of years ago. Langad is now a part of daily lives in Yap. It is widely used for social gatherings, community meetings and events, funerals, and so much more.

The chaudike is a string instrument. Chaudike songs are most popular in the northern part of Karnataka, especially near Dharwad, where goddess Yellamma is worshipped by millions of people. The songs are built around the story of Jamadagni and his wife Renuka. In Saundatti (Dharwad, Karnataka), Renuka is known as Yellamma. The rise of Renuka as a mother goddess was perhaps the result of a complex merging of numerous personalities and myths. Renuka is most popular among the lower castes, such as the Pariahs, who are the performers in this recording. The community of Devadasis performs rituals that include Chaudike songs at Renuka shrines. These songs tell the story of Jamadagni, Renuka, and their son Parashurama.

Yapese traditional dances are performed during village/municipal cultural activities or events. They are performed by men and women and are sometimes performed during a chief’s ceremonial events. These performances break down into bamboo dance, standing dance, and sitting dance.

Serenicumu literally means “bumping songs,” a genre of popular music that is widespread throughout Fiji today and is performed in villages as well as at local resorts and hotels. These songs are covers of or are influenced by styles from Europe and America as well as from other Pacific islands or the Caribbean (particularly reggae). They are often performed at informal yaqona drinking sessions and are also associated with informal dance types broadly termed tauratale or danisi (taken from the English word ”dance”).\n\nThe exact origin of the genre is obscure. Serenicumu is said to be associated with the first legally allowed sales of beer to Indigenous Fijians in the 1920s in Suva, and it is suggested that this genre originated from parties where men bumped their drinking glasses together. Another source further adds that this music was originally called sere ni cumu saqa (saqa meaning “barrel” or “tankard”) and that it referred to the practice of Fijian men sitting in a circle at a table and resting their heads against their tankards of beer. Many serenicumu songs still performed today date from World War II―an intense period of creativity for this genre―when soldiers from the US, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Australia interacted extensively with Fijians.\n\nCurrently, musicians distinguish two main styles of serenicumu: trio and sere bass (also called sere makawa or “old songs,” even though they may be fifteen or more years old). Sere bass performance features a large group of bass vocalists (bass/besi) in addition to three solo voice parts: tatabani/tatabana, domo tolu/vakababa, and laga/lagalaga in descending order in terms of their vocal range. Only the three solo parts are heard in trio. The types and roles of the instruments, their tuning, and their playing techniques have also changed over time. The technique of vadivadi (plucking), which characterized sere bass guitar performance in the past, has been replaced by various “scrumming” (strumming) for the rhythm guitar and a range of left- and right-handed techniques for the lead guitarist. The only chords used in sere bass were dua(tonic), rua (subdominant), and tolu (dominant), whereas trio also featured warning (seventh), minus (minor), and flat (supertonic) chords.\n\nAnyone can participate in sere bass performance, which makes it ideal for use at large social gatherings. Trio performers are expected to perform to a high standard and are usually heard at small social functions such as yaqona drinking sessions.\nThe tempo tends to be slower and the overall pitch lower in sere bass when compared to trio. Sere bass, being closer stylistically to meke, tends to be preferred by older people (those in their mid-40s and above) and provides them with a means to connect with and celebrate their cultural roots. Trio, which tends to be popular with those in their 20s and 30s, exhibits a greater degree of Westernization than sere bass, but it is still regarded as being part of the serenicumu oral tradition that has been passed down through the generations and that continues to change as new songs are continually added to the repertoire and old ones fall into disuse.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

Together with the UNESCO National Commissions in the Central Asia, the Seventh Central Asi Sub-regional Meeting on the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage was held between 16 and 18 May at Dushanbe, Tajikistan.\n\nThe report includes papers of the thematic symposium on Sacred Cultural Spaces, Safeguarding ICH and Enhancing Identity and country reports.

“ICH and Gender” introduces the mutual relationship between gender norms and ICH and emphasizes that understanding the intimacy between ICH and gender is important for effective ICH safeguarding and gender equality.\n\n