New Year is often a time when people wish for prosperity and new beginnings. March 21 marks the start of the year in Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, India, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. It is referred to as Nauryz, Navruz, Nawrouz, Nevruz, Nooruz, Novruz, Nowrouz or Nowruz meaning ‘new day’ when a variety of rituals, ceremonies and other cultural events take place for a period of about two weeks. An important tradition practised during this time is the gathering around ‘the Table’, decorated with objects that symbolize purity, brightness, livelihood and wealth, to enjoy a special meal with loved ones. New clothes are worn and visits made to relatives, particularly the elderly and neighbours. Gifts are exchanged, especially for children, featuring objects made by artisans. There are also street performances of music and dance, public rituals involving water and fire, traditional sports and the making of handicrafts. These practices support cultural diversity and tolerance and contribute to building community solidarity and peace. They are transmitted from older to younger generations through observation and participation. Nauryz (Kazakh Nauryz, from Persian Nov Ruz – 'A new day') is the holiday of the New Year and the beginning of spring on the solar calendar from the astronomical Iranian and Turkic people. Nauryz is a national tradition, which has no direct relation to Islamic customs. It is celebrated on March 21, the day of spring equinox. Nomads believed that on this day - the starting point in the world update. Kazakhs call this day holy - "Ulustyng uly kuni" (The Great Day of the nation). According to the established belief on this day the people got rid of the winter hardships, happy for the safety of prosperous wealth - cattle. There are various rites, rituals and cultural activities carried out within each family and community. These forms and rituals handed down from generation to generation. In Kazakhstan Nauryz includes the following ceremonies and rituals: cult of the first herbs (there is a taboo to tear and crumple first grass); all dishes to be filled with milk at night; milk is also poured on the ground, this means a transition from red food ( meat) to white (dairy); cult of the rising sun (the birth of a new day). At Nauryz each family prepares ritual meal "nauryzdyk" («nauryzdyқ"), "Nauryz soup" («Nauryz kozhe") in the form of soup. It consists of seven traditional products. After tasting them, Kazakhs hoped to feed them for a whole year.

Kazakhstan 2016

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Carpet weaving is one of the world's most traditional, conceptual, applied arts. Iranians enjoy a global reputation in carpet weaving and its skills; and carpets of Fars with nomadic and rural characteristics constitute a genuine example. Historically, carpet weaving in Fars province dates back to the seventh century(AH). Carpets of Fars are known as either «Qashqai» or «Khamseh Tribes» carpets. These are the nomads moving between Esfahan and Persian Gulf coasts. Among the tribes of Qashqais, the more prominent are Darre-Shuri, Kashkuli-ye Bozorg, Kashkoli-ye Kuchak, Shesh-Boluki, and Gharache. Due to the immigration requirements, the size of nomadic rugs is usually small; they are, however, beautiful. The stages of Carpet Weaving in Fars Province - Wool cutting The carpets usually utilize wool as the basic material. The men cut the wool of their sheep, skillfully, in spring or autumn. The quality of the wool on each of the eleven sections of the sheep body, and the related colors are different. - Frame(loom) Making The portable frame of nomadic carpets is rectangle in shape, with a metal or wood support; it is placed on the ground. The act of knitting is performed on it. The men construct the frame, too. - Weaving The women convert the wool into strings on spinning wheels or weaving machines. They, masterfully, take care to obtain the best qualities. The spinning wheel is a wooden tool that resembles a big spin; the wool is turned around it from the hand of the knitter, then weaved. The spindle wheel is a wooden structure with the wool being placed in its middle to turn into strings when the wheel turns. - Painting Colors are mainly natural; the main colors are laquer, painted blue, dark blue, brown and white. The plants from whichthe colors are extracted include Madder, Indigo, lettuce leaf, walnut skin, Jashyr, cherry stem and skin of pomegranate. The pigments, so called, Dandane, are elements which allow color stabilization and imprint on the fibers; the most important modants include Alum (Double Aluminum Sulfate), Green Vitriol (Cut Blue), Double Copper Sulfate, Black Vitriol (Double Iron Sulfate). - Knitting While knitting, the women tie the colored strings on the wool web to cover the frame and give shape to the carpet. Two types of ties are common: The ""Persian tie"", an assymetric tie, usually used in places where Persian Language is spoken, where it is referred to as, so called, Farsi-Baf (done in the Persian style), and the Turkish tie, a symmetric tie, in that the two webs are of the same size and the tie is made in the middle; this second tie is more popular in places where Turkish is in use, so the name Torki-Baf (done in the Turkish style). - Completion Completion refers to the activities done for final furnishing. These include sewing the sides (so called, Dowrduzi: Some products will be sewn on the sides to be used as bags, called ""khorjin's"" or ""chante's"" on the region); burning the extra wool to make the designs vivid and enhance the quality of the product (so called, Porzsuzi); double tied roots, and final cleaning. Nomadic Gilims Wraps of Fars are not painted with painted woofs; both sides of the product can be used. Limited materials have led these products to be more geometric in both texture and margin, mirroring the local culture of the community. The most important characteristic of Fars carpet weaving is the unique method of weaving without any maps. One weaver will not be able to weave two carpets of the same design, especially, if she does not enough time to consider the details. Fars carpets include the following types: Simple Gilim(one sided or two sided): A carpet made through passing the colored wool strings, called ""Pud's"" between the vertical strings, called ""Taar's"", without maps. Rug: A carpet with thinner ""Pud's"" and thicker ""Taar's"". The product is thicker in diameter, compared to Gilim's, and is one-sided. Ghaaliche: A rug of smaller dimensions (measuring to less than three square meters). Jaajim: A product of woolen ""Taar's"" and ""Pud's"", with simple and attractive designs, and a variety of usages, including those of carpets, beds, pillows, etc. Gilim-e Naghsh-barjaste(Goljajimi Gilim): A one sided gilom with its main motifs embossed. Somak (Rendy): A one-sided Gilim, out of which ""Ghali's"" (rugs) are believed to have been evolved. Shishe Derme: A Gilim with a simple pattern; it has no knots and naps, is two sided in a way that the mirror patterns of its face are weaved on its back side. Gabbe: A gross nomadic carpet, vastly verified, and done without any map. There are both colored Gabbe's, and Gabbe's of natural colors. So called, ""Shiri"" Gabbe's of Fars mark nomadic courage for the owner.

Iran 2010