Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.

Viet Nam 2019

The entire epos includes a historical range of the legendary achievements of the ancient national hero of Gorogly and his 40 cavalrymen by recording all major events of traditional lifespan of the Turkmen people. The aspiration of the Turkmen nation for a happy life, unification, freedom and justice as well as their features such as bravery, honesty, partiotism, freindship, tolerance and fairness have been reflected in the epos. The element is a combined genre of oral traditions and performing art incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition, where a prose and poetry are alternated in its perforamnce. Its bearers and practitioners are epic performers-dessanchy bagshy specialized in the Gorogly epic. It is by tradition performed by one dessanchy bagshy playing the dutar (a two stringed, long-necked lute) in a sitting position, while narrating prose and reciting poetry in a way to deliver the characters' feelings and emotions to the accompaniment to the traditional musical instruments such as dutar and gyjak (a fiddle-like Turkmen musical instrument). It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, celebrations, national ceremonies, life rituals, national festivals and special "Folklore Festivals". The element provides related communities with a sense of social and cultural identity and it is considered as a main symbol of Turkmen people to sustain their cultural identity being as an oral encyclopedia and it remains the inexhaustible fountain-head to nurture their cultural psychology, national character, mentality, creative capacity and artistic skills.

Turkmenistan 2015

Traditional Balinese dances are performed by male and female dancers dressed in exquisite traditional costumes consisting of brightly coloured cloths painted with gold motifs of flora and fauna, and gold leafed and jewelled accessories. The dances are inspired by nature and symbolize the traditions, customs and religious values, composed in four elements: agem, basic body posture with knees turned out and stocmach pushed in; tandang, locomotive movements in different tempo and directions; tangkis, transitional movements with dynamic changes; and tangkep, facial expression with eyes movements showing happiness, sadness, anger, love, fear, etc. They are accompanied by music of Balinese gamelan instruments with symphonic poems that contain moral messages taken from religious teachings. Dancers portray various characters as strong or refine male role, female role, and mixed role. For Balinese, dance is a part of religious ceremonies conducted periodically according to the Balinese calendar. A dancer should also have taksu, charisma, a special spiritual energy which makes the performance become alive (dynamic). Balinese dances can be categorized as Wali (sacred), Bebali (semi-sacred) or Balih-balihan (entertainment). The three categories is applied with respect all over Bali using different dance forms according to the principle of desa (place), kala (time), and patra (occasion). In Balinese communities, dances are mainly transmitted informally to children from early ages in traditional groups (sekaa) and at formal schools in various levels. Traditional Balinese dances are rich in noble values and are an important part of the Balinese cultural heritage and identity, now studied almost all over Indonesia.

Indonesia 2015

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Yuki-tsumugi is the production technique for pongee fabric. The fabric of Yuki-tsumugi is warm, comfortable, light and durable and is completed through numerous, intricate processes. Only the finest fabric, made by members of the bearing body of the technique, the Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique, following the requirements for designation below can be termed as a work of Important Intangible Cultural Property. The requirement for its designation defines especially distinctive handiwork and the use of traditional tools among the processes. By setting these requirements, the transmission of this tradition is secured. The requirements for the designation: i) A yarn should be spun by hand out of silk floss. A hard twist yarn cannot be used; ii) To make an Ikat (kasuri) pattern, the skein should be tied only by hand before the dyeing process; iii) A back-strap loom should be used; The traditional techniques to produce Yuki-tsumugi have been transmitted by the members of the Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique. They have been directly engaged in maintaining the high standards of spinning, dyeing and weaving that have been passed down from generations to generations for a long time within the community. They recognize Yuki-tsumugi as a very important cultural property and strongly believe that it is their vocation to preserve and transmit it to the future. Moreover, they are very proud of ‘Yukitsumugi’. One of the reasons for the continuous refinement of this technique to produce qualified silk pongee fabrics is that the fertile lands in a warm climate of this area, where mulberry trees can grow well, are suited for the sericulture. Some researchers point out that the local mentality is the reason for the persistent observance of the tradition; the people tend to protect their own lands inherited from their ancestors and to succeed to the occupations of their parents. The National Government designated Yuki-tsumugi as Important Intangible Cultural Property in 1956 for its high artistic value, and the precious techniques needed for this art, its significant position in the history of industrial arts, and cultural characteristics of the community. The designation system of Important Intangible Cultural Property under the Japanese Law for the Protection of Cultural Property raises the interest of the Japanese in intangible property, and helps deepen their understandings. Today, most Japanese consider that all designated elements of Important Intangible Cultural Property are priceless heritage of Japan. In modern times, due to the rapid changes and the westernization of Japanese lifestyle, opportunities to wear kimono have decreased. However, there are still many Japanese, especially women, who are very fond of kimono. Kimono can be worn as formal attire at ceremonial occasions, as well as less formal, social events. It can be said that kimono is a traditional Japanese costume. The existence of Yuki-tsumugi can help to continue the customs of this tradition, and pass them down to future generations. Although Yuki-tsumugi had been known as a specialty by the Edo era (1603-1867), even today, the production of pongee fabrics continues to have an important social function of supporting the lives of the people of the community through the sericulture industry. The empty cocoons after the hatch of moths cannot be spun into qualified yarn. Together with the deformed cocoons, they are made into silk floss which is raw material of yarn for Yuki-tsumugi. This recycling process of materials has a socially significant meaning in today’s society. With the introduction of chemical fabrics, and the development of machinery for spinning, those who bear the technique of Yuki-tsumugi have declined in number; hand-made fabrics take a lot of time, but very unprofitable. There were 171 members in the Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique in 1976, but at present, the number has decreased to 128. Nevertheless, the members continue with their efforts to preserve this tradition. The Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique constantly aims for the preservation and transmission, and through this aim, its unity is strongly identified. The traditional skills are transmitted through their activities of exchanging their skills, training for young generation, demonstration and promotion of the skills, thus leading to their continuity to the future. Such activities have important meaning for the people who transmit Yuki-tsumugi of which they are proud of; they are strongly supported by the local community of Yuki City, Oyama City, and local governments of Ibaraki and Tochigi Prefecture.

Japan 2010

With the abacus as a tool, mathematical algorithms as a theoretical facility, Chinese Zhusuan is figure-based knowledge and practices through moving beads on an abacus according to the defined formulas. The abacus is made of bamboo or wood in the shape of a rectangle, divided horizontally into two decks with a string of five beads (one in the upper deck and four in the lower) or a string of seven beads (two in the upper deck and five in the lower). Each bead in the upper deck has a value of 5 while each in the lower has a value of 1. Atypical abacus has 13 to 19 rods connecting the beads. Zhusuan practitioners can perform mathematical calculations including addition, subtraction, multiplication, division, exponential multiplication, root, equations of higher degree, thus demonstrating the wonderful wisdom and creativity of the Chinese people. This time-honoured tradition has played a vital role in giving impetus to mathematical studies, promoting algorithmic practices, and nourishing intelligence. Zhusuan oral formulas have easy-to-learn rhymes that represent the specific calculation rules and summarize the arithmetic operations. Beginners can make quick calculations after moderate trainings, while proficient practitioners usually develop an agile mind. Through oral teaching and bodily practice, Chinese has maintained and transmitted Zhusuan for generations. With a scientific theoretical system and a simple operation method, Zhusuan has long been popular in various aspects of Chinese living and production. As an important legacy of mathematics and cultural tradition, Zhusuan has become a national symbol of cultural identity.

China 2013

Mongols use the felt for their daily life, such as to cover the ger, to make carpet and make clothes. Prior to making felt, the family sets the good day to make a felt and announces it to the neighbors, relatives and friends in its vicinity. The family who is going to make felt prepares fermented mare’s milk and other dairy products, and butchers a sheep for those who are going to assist in felt making. The previously made sample felt is laid on the ground with well grown grass. Three layers of woolens are alternately laid and spread out on the sample felt and each layer is evenly sprinkled with water. After the third layer, the layers of wool along with the sample felt are wrapped around the pole. This roll of wool is then covered with soaked hide and tightly bound together with rope. Two men on horseback then pull the roll to make the felt “whiter as snow and tighter as bone”.

Sanjyra is the oral listing of ancestors on the straight male-line. It was compulsory for everyone to know his ancestors as the Kyrgyz identified themselves through a link with clan and tribe. Sanjyra provided answers to the questions such as: “Who are you?”, “Who were your father, grandfather?”, “From which family are you?”. That is why there is a saying: “Those who do not now their ancestors will become slaves”. The Kyrgyz genealogy consists of three large groups: right wing (on), left wing (sol) and the ichkilik (inner) group. Similar to many genealogies of other nations, it represents a sprawling crown of a tree (tree of life). Intertribal hierarchy was built on the male-line by giving the male names to the titles of tribal clans.

Nooruz is the New Year by solar calendar in Central, South and SouthWest Asia countries. March 21 marks the start of the year in Kyrgyzstan. Nooruz meaning ‘new day’ when a variety of rituals, ceremonies and other cultural events take place. An important tradition practiced during this time is the gathering around ‘the Table’, decorated with objects that symbolize purity, brightness, livelihood and wealth, to enjoy a special meal with loved ones. New clothes are worn and visits given to relatives, particularly the elderly and neighbors. Gifts are exchanged, especially for children, featuring objects made by artisans. There are also street performances of music and dance, public rituals involving water and fire, traditional sports and the making of handicrafts. These practices support cultural diversity and tolerance and contribute to building community solidarity and peace.

Kyrgyzstan 2016

Mongolians have a long-standing tradition of manually processing the wool and hair of the five kinds of animals for use in their daily life. At the end of spring and the beginning of summer, the animals have grown fat on the fresh green grass and start to shed their coat. There is a tradition to process these in cooperation with relatives and people in the vicinity. They gather and work at each other's homes in alternation. There are two types of shearing sheep in Mongolia. The summer shearing is called fleece (urtiin noos) and autumn shearing is called fleece-wool (akhar). In the summer, the first shearing of wool can be undertaken without the differences of age and sex of the sheep. But in autumn, the shearing the wool of the ewe sheep cannot be taken in order to keep these animals safer in winter.

Family rites of Uzbeks are a life cycle, which covers a set of family traditions connected to the birth, reaching of adulthood, twelve-year cycle (muchal), wedding, funeral, etc. From among family rituals and ceremonies it is possible to mention wedding-ceremonial ones (beshik toy, sunnat toy, muchal toy, nikoh toy), funeral-commemorative ones (aza-motam, sadr), daily life related ones (badik, kina, alas, kushnos, mushkulkushod) and others.