Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

While primitive forms of early agriculture on the territory of Uzbekistan emerged in the late Stone Age, the emergence of irrigated agriculture dates back to the beginning of the II millenium B.C., and can be observed on the territory of Bactria (present-day Surkhandarya region). Based on great experience and methods gained through studying the agriculture delicate fenologic observations were discovered. Specific agriculture traditions and ceremonies were also formed. Having passed successfully through frosty days and waited impatiently for warm spring days, farmers, gardeners and cattlebreeders carefully prepared for large-scale agricultural works (i.e. prepared their ploughs, harrows and horses, repaired carts, made tools ready for usage). Thus, for centuries, agricultural knowledge and skills have been accumulated, which is transmitted from generation to generation.

The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

Singing art is one of the important areas of folk performing art. The folk song reflects the life of people: their work, thoughts, moods, feelings, skills and knowledge. People need a folk song as an art form that creates beauty with original expressive means: musical, dynamic, rhythmic and audible. By these means, she serves a person in life, helping in work and holidays, in sorrow and joy. The Uzbek singing art has different directions.

Mongol Tsuur is a blending of sounds created simultaneously by both the musical instrument and the human throat. Tsuur has an inseparable connection to the Uriankhai Mongolians of the Altai Region, and remains an integral part of their daily life. Its origins lie in an ancient practice of worshipping nature and its guardian spirits by emulating natural sounds. Tsuur is a vertical pipe-shaped wooden wind instrument with three fingerholes. Simultaneously touching the mouthpiece of the pipe with one’s front teeth and applying one’s throat produces a unique timbre comprising a clear and gentle whistling sound and a drone. Tsuur is traditionally played to ensure success for hunts, for benign weather, as a benediction for safe journeys or for weddings and other festivities. The music reflects one’s inner feelings when travelling alone, connects a human to nature, and serves as a performing art.

Mongolia 2009

Mumtoz ashula (classic song) cycles is a lyrical genre which differs from other song genres with extention of the melody, steady lyric character, emotional and mounful meaning, great range, the complexity of the rhythm method and perfection of the style. The style of singing is solo with own accompaniment on tanbur, dutar and tor. Its genre composition is represented by mumtoz ashula, mumtoz yalla, katta ashula (Ferghana Valley), khalq ashula and muhammas (Bukhara), suvora and naqsh (Khoresm) and lyrical-lengthy songs of religious character (such as munojot, nat, khamd, manzuma, yakkakhonlik, khonaqoi, qalandari, etc.).

Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.

The traditional Li textile techniques of spinning, dyeing, weaving and embroidering are employed by women of the Li ethnic group of Hainan Province, China, to make cotton, hemp and other fibres into clothing and other daily necessities. The techniques involved, including warp ikat, double-face embroidery, and single-face jacquard weaving, are passed down from mothers to daughters from early childhood through verbal instruction and personal demonstration.

China 2009

Ethnosport is a form of preserving the gaming heritage and is a system for restoring ethno-motor skills lost in urbanization. It is aimed at solving the problems of encouraging and developing traditional types of physical activity that form the basis of traditional games. Ethnosport activities form motor skills that only those who lead a traditional lifestyle possess. Based on this main position, ethnosport can be defined as an institutional form of a single socio-cultural space for organizations involved in the development of traditional types of physical activity. Types of ethnosport are formed according to ethnicity - for example, Russian ethnosport, Uzbek ethnosport, French ethnosport, etc. They represent the entire set of games and motorical activities that exist in a particular ethno-cultural environment. The certain types of traditional competitions is also could be named as ethnosport.

Family rites of Uzbeks are a life cycle, which covers a set of family traditions connected to the birth, reaching of adulthood, twelve-year cycle (muchal), wedding, funeral, etc. From among family rituals and ceremonies it is possible to mention wedding-ceremonial ones (beshik toy, sunnat toy, muchal toy, nikoh toy), funeral-commemorative ones (aza-motam, sadr), daily life related ones (badik, kina, alas, kushnos, mushkulkushod) and others.

Jewelry is a type of decorative and applied art: the manufacture of art jewelry, household items and others from precious metals (gold, silver), often in combination with precious and crafting stones, as well as artistic products from other metals (bronze, copper), made with fine craftsmanship. Jewelry art is one of the most ancient types of folk art of Uzbekistan, which has retained its vitality to this day. Major centers of this art in the XIX-ХХ centuries were located in Bukhara, Khiva, Tashkent, Samarkand, Margilan, Qoqand, Qarshi, Shahrisabz and Kitab. Depending on the functional purpose, jewelry can be divided into several types. Sometimes jewelry, used for the same functional purpose but created in different regions of Uzbekistan, bore different names.

Kimchi is a vegetable dish which is made by seasoning various vegetables or wild edible greens with spices, fruits, meat, fish or fermented seafood before undergoing lactic fermentation. In this course, tastes of the ingredients blend well producing a unique flavour. The tradition of Kimchi-making dates back to the 10th century and it has hundreds of variants. As rice typifies the staple food of the Koreans, so does Kimchi, the Korean’s side dish. It is served not only at every meal but also on special occasions such as weddings, holidays, birthday parties and memorial services for the deceased as well as state banquets. The daily consumption of Kimchi by Koreans is great in amount. Each Kimchi variant differs in ingredients and recipes according to seasons and localities. It has remarkable nutrition values as well. Koreans take it for granted that they help each other in Kimchi-making among neighbours, relatives or workplace colleagues. In this practice they boast their Kimchi, give advices on skills and congratulate each other on their successful Kimchi-making.

North Korea 2015