For thousands of years, nomadic herders of Mongolia roamed across the country-side from season to season. Dry, windy areas close to rivers are best for summers while areas away from river-bank wind and close to mountains or hills are best for winter stays. In the country where pasture always was and still is a public domain, the herders moved freely to the best locations for the season. With this lifestyle of freedom of movement and pastoral animal husbandry was invented the national dwelling called the ‘Mongol ger’. It is a round structure of easily dismantle-able walls, polls and a round ceiling covered with canvas and felt, tightened with ropes. The ger was designed to be light enough for Mongolian nomads to carry, flexible enough to fold-up, pack and assemble, sturdy enough for multiple dismantling and assembling as well as easy for regulating temperatures within. Over many centuries the mongol ger was modified into a perfectly aerodynamic structure which can withstand Mongolia's fierce spring winds ranging up to 18-20 meter/sec. It can be dismantled in half an hour and assembled in an hour by a small family with 2-3 adults. The Mongol ger has many varieties. The most common “5-wall ger” consists of five lattice segments forming a circular wall, a door, a toono (round window ceiling), two bagana (columns that hold the toono), and 88 uni(long poles that connect wall lattices and toono which forms the roof of the ger). There are also several accessories attached to the ger.

Mongolia 2013

Nomadic way of life of the Kyrgyz and natural conditions they have lived in had their impact on formation of traditional system of knowledge, social and economic practices of livelihood directed at resect for nature and surrounding world. Traditional knowledge on cattle breeding and pasturing are based on ancient practices and measures on sustainable use of lands, soil, and vegetation for sustenance of the population. They consist of knowledge on movements of livestock, peculiarities of pasturing, soil remediation, re-vegetation, forage conservation and disposal of feeding stuffs, and peculiarities related to veterinary and care of the livestock.

The coaxing ritual is used by herders to save newborn camel calves orphaned or rejected by their mothers, and to avoid the loss of vital camel milk. A camel mare is coaxed into accepting an orphaned or estranged calf by the singing of a melody accompanied by the morin khuur horse-head fiddle. This handling technique helps the survival of newborn calves and maintains the mother’s lactation. The renowned Russian poet Sergei Yesenin once said that “It is indeed undoubted that Mongols could make the camel cry with the melody of khuur (fiddle)”.

Mongolia 2015

This melody is the specific part of ritual that dedicated to the swift horse and jockey for relaxing before and after the horse race. Mostly, this melody is singing at the before the race and after race and also in the long-distance training of swift horse. The tradition of singing a giingoo (jockey songs) before race or during the title recitation meant to encourage and calm the horses. The giingoo (zeengoo) and marzai share similar features with urtiin duu songs as wide-ranging vocal melodies and rhythms. The marzai is a well-wishing religious spell of Odserjmaa deity for well-being of jockey and a horse.

The Neypo ritual is a seasonal offering performed across Bhutan to appease local deities, Ney village in Lhuentse to the northeast is one of many villages to perform this ritual. Neypo literally means "Zhidag", a category of deity who protects the area under their control or certain parts of the valley. The identity of the protector figure varies from region to region, as does the ritual. In Ney village, the Neypo ritual is performed every year on the 15th day of the third lunar month of the Bhutanese calendar. The ritual is performed in their Lhakhang, temple, in order to appease the local deity Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo with offerings. In return, the community asks for his protection of their farms from wild animals. The Zhidag is believed to dwell below the village in a dense forest on the left side of Kurichu. Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo has a grim appearance with a black face, dark clothes, and a reindeer mount with ten horns. He has one face and two hands; in his right hand he holds a flaming sword and in his left hand he holds a robe or Zhagpa sling. Within a single second he could cover the distance between any two places. Eighth century tantric master Guru Rinpoche (Skt. Padmasambhava) bound Drakpa Gyalpo by oath and made him the protector of the East Gate of the hidden land Baeyul Khempajong, and sworn to be the Dharma protector in the region. During the Neypo ritual, the entrance to the dense forest is sealed off for people which will last for a whole season, which is called Rigya lungya dam or Ridam. Ridam is a common practice of mountain closure in which the path to the Zhidag Phodrang, deity’s abode, and the surrounding dense forest are closed to human access from spring to autumn until the rice harvest. During this period, people are generally not allowed to enter the area to collect natural resources or visit any place in the area. After performing rituals, no one is allowed to go there unless except for exceptional occasions. This restriction applies to outsiders as well as people from the village.

The tradition-bearers of the element are communities in the three water-puppetry guilds of Bồ Dương Village (in Hồng Phong Commune, Ninh Giang District), An Liệt Village (in Thanh Hải Commune, Thanh Hà District) and Bùi Thượng Village (in Lê Lợi Commune, Gia Lộc District). Water puppetry is a form of amusement for villagers during village festivals. Performances often takes place in a small nhà trò or thủy đình stage in a pond at the village’s communal house. Performers submerge themselves in the water, behind a bamboo screen, to maneuver wooden puppets with poles and robes. A show often includes short playful scenes with various puppet characters, such as the Tễu clown, dragon, turtle, lion, snake, fish, dragon boat, and so on. Puppets are made of sung wood (cluster fig), meticulously sculptured and ornately decorated. The puppet’s base, attached with a manual mechanism that allows maneuvering underwater, is always heavier than the top so that it can float halfway without sinking. Music, rooted from North folk songs and chèo music is an important component. Popular excerpts and scenes are intro by Tễu, wrestling, fishing, dragon dance, the Eight Fairies, so on. In order to accommodate new audience tastes in contemporary life, water puppet artists create new scenes and excerpt with more sophisticated techniques.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

Although the origin of yak breeding in Nubri is not known, it can be stated that it has been practiced there for a very long time. The villagers get almost all their needs from the yaks. Milk is the most important product obtained from the yaks. It is consumed either raw or boiled. Raw milk is also used to make tea, and it is also sold or bartered. Milk can also be used to make butter, which fetches a good price. There are two types of butter production: churning and machine processing. In churning, butter is traditionally made in a wooden vessel. In machine production, modern technology, a milk separator, is used to extract butter. Cheese and hard cheeses are also a good source of income for livestock farmers. Then the whey is used. Of all the products obtained from yak, Phe-lu is another unique traditional dish. Phe-lu is a sticky substance that tastes like aged cheese and is specially made from the milk of Bjim (female yaks). There are two types of Phe-lu: one made from milk and the other from curd. Phe-lu made from milk is considered better because cheese made from curd can easily turn into zoedey (fermented cheese). For a kilogram of milk Phe-lu, one gets about 800 to 1000 Ngultrum (Bhutanese currency), and for a kilogram of curd Phe-lu, slightly less, about 600 Ngultrum. It is usually produced in the highland areas where people depend mainly on livestock and dairy products. Phe-lu is a remarkable representation of nomadic life. It shows how nomads subsist only on milk, but in different ways, either by selling it or consuming it directly. In Paro Dzongkhag, Tsento Gewog is located in a highland area where yaks are raised and dairy products are either sold or bartered. Phe-lu, which is made from yak milk, is produced in Tsento Gewog. Phe-lu is mostly made in the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th months of the Bhutanese calendar.

Ney village is one of many across Bhutan to observe a Pholha ritual, a seasonal ceremony to appease the local patron deity. Pholha literally means "male god" who protects the area under his control, such as certain parts of the valley. The identity of the guardian varies from region to region, as does the ritual. The Pholha takes place in Ney every year on the 22nd day of the first lunar month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The villagers perform the ritual mainly to appease their local deity and make offerings. Terdag Zora Ra-ky, the patron deity of Ney Tsachu hot spring; Tsan Yawacha-dhuen, the seven deities; and the Zhidag lord of the settlement of Ney village. The ritual mainly consists of sealing or closing the mountains to people for a certain season, this practice known as Rigya Lungya Dam or Ridam intends to avoid disturbance or defilements of the holiness of the deity’s abode as well as the surrounding sacred areas. Ridam is a practice of mountain sealing known in many parts of the mountains. The road to Baeyul Khempajong, a sacred hidden land, and the mountains are closed to people from spring to autumn until the rice harvest. During this time, people are generally not allowed to enter the area to collect natural resources or visit any place in the area. This prohibition is especially strong for outsiders not from the village. On the day of Pholha, they go early in the morning to the Pholha Phodrang, the deity’s residence, which is located above the village, and make offerings to the Terdag Zora Rakye. Afterwards, they return to the Lhakhang, temple, and make the offering to their Zhidag Yawacha-dhuen, who is located below the mountain Khenjey ri, which can be seen from the village. Villagers in Net perform this ritual believing they are at the eastern gate of the secret land of Baeyul Khenpajong. Before reaching the village at a place called Khaiphu, they believe that there is a key to the secret land, and on the way to Khempajong at a place called Juemo, there is a gate in the form of a large stone. To keep these sacred places secure they perform the Pholha ritual every year.

Generally Bhutanese Buddhists have several terms for building wealth such as yang, yang-gug or phya-gug. This is a ritual dedicated to the goddesses of wealth- Tshering ma chey-nga, the five sisters of longevity, and Nam-sey (Skt. Kubera), and it also makes tribute to the symbolic precious cow yang-nor who represents the best of the cattle who served one’s ancestors by feeding and providing for them. The ritual is performed alongside an annual ritual locally called Lha-sey which gives thanks to tutelary deities. The people of the Nurbugang community conduct yang rituals mostly dedicated to the Yang-nor. Practices such as displaying the horns of a prosperous cow or ox; and tools from cattle like Wong-ka a blowing tool made of wild buffalo horn, Thang-nang Nam--bu rung large flute, and Sen-za Nam-bu rung common musical instruments including rope and other associated tools and materials. In practice, after the ritual the villages include several unique mundane activities that are not prescribed in the Buddhist texts. These traditional practices fall within religious practice, and it is said there are only few households who organize such ritual in the community. According to the Buddhist terminology, yang-gug is the ritual of wealth enrichment, also known as phya-gug but, depending on the usage and understanding the meaning of the ritual different local terms are given such as; yang and Yang-nor. However, both yang and Yang-nor is the ritual dedicated to deities Tshering ma and Namsey and giving thanks to the Yang-nor or the most prosperous cattle of the family. When witnessing the ritual performance, the prayers are mostly dedicated for the enrichment and prospering cattle and making tribute to the cattle who had served their forefathers to receive the blessing of enrichment. In accordance to Namkhai Norbu (1984) The Necklace of gZhi: A Cultural History of Tibet. The ritual performance of yang was one of the thirteen rituals performed by Bon-po (Bon tradition practitioner) ever since the enthronement of Tibetan King Nya-tri Tsanpo, well before the arrival of Tibetan Buddhism in Tibet. The twelve Bon rituals are as follows; 1.\tGon-shey Lha-bon:\tBon-po who can liberate sentient beings. 2.\tYang-shey Cha-bon:\tBon-po who can accumulate wealth through yang ritual performance. 3.\tdro-shey lud-tong:\tBon-po who can clear the obstacles by performing exorcism . 4.\tdur-shey sid-gshen:\tBon-po who can overcome barriers. 5.\tTsang-shey sel-dep:\tBon-po who conducts purification ritual and overcome obscuration. 6.\tdrol-shey ta-bon:\t Bon-po who can treat horse. 7.\tFen-shey men-che:\tBon-po healer. 8.\tKoe-shey tse-khen:\tBon-po astrologer. 9.\tmra-shey to-gu:\t\tBon-po who can perform nine types of rituals by preparing sacrificial cakes. 10.\tdeng-shey sha-wa:\tBon-po who can make a stag effigy fly. 11.\tful-shey ju-thig:\t\tBon-po who has the capability to make effigies fly in the sky. 12.\tdro-shey thrul-bon:\tBon-po who can triumph over the obstacles by miracle. The tradition of Yang-shey Cha-bon was later reformed and incorporated in the Buddhist tradition of Guru Padmasambhava in late 8th century. The deities Namsey (god of wealth) and Tsheringma (god of longevity), widely revered in Bhutan, were appointed to bring prosperity through the performance of Yang rituals. Many Bhutanese practitioners include these two deities among their tutelary deities Lha-sey (lha-soel). The Yang or Yang-nor ritual is conducted at the final part of other rituals as afterwards the house has to be confined at least for three days to keep the accumulated blessings. Every single thing that belongs to the house owner has to be impounded. It is believed that the blessing of the enrichment rest upon the things of the host thus, anything that is sent away from the house after the Yang ritual is a certain sign the blessing will be broken or lost. Yang-nor displaying things Yang-zey: -\tThe sacrificial cakes that represent the gods of the wealth, Namsay and Tshering ma, are prepared along with the Tormas (ritual cakes) of the family tutelary deities in the alter. -\tAt a corner near the shrine, the most beautiful and expensive clothes are displayed. On the spread clothes, three stacked bowls are filled with different cereals and adorned with precious gems are displayed in accordance to the Lama Nor-jam text of the Terton Pema Lingpa tradition. -\tOther related ritual items are grandly presented in front of the stacked Yang-zey. -\tCattle effigies made of dough and decorated with butter and flower are prepared and displayed on the plate. -\tNear the Yang-zey, various yang things; Yang-do, Yang-bum and the horns of prosperous cattle and associated herding tools like; Wong-ka, Thang-nang Nam-bu rung, Sen-za Nam-bu rung and Yai (churning container) Ta-khur (Churner) and other old things handed over by the forefathers are neatly exhibited in a bowl filled with grains.

The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.

Mongolia 2010

Shatar or Mongolian chess is considered to be the king of the board games. It needs keen intelligence, creative thinking, and patience; chess is a type of intellectual sport. There is even a folk saying that chess players live longer. Although there is no official affirmation of this, it is said that chess originated in Mongolia in the period of the Huns. Mongolian chess is one of the various board games that are part of the intellectual fund of humanity that has been shaped by nomadic Mongolians. In terms of figures, terms, and movements, Mongolian chess is distinctive from European chess and its theme is more closely linked to the herding livelihood. Rather than themes of armies and war, Mongolian chess manifests the peace-loving mentality of animal farming people. Mongolian chess also contains a complex of figures representing various animals, well-known wrestlers, archers, soldiers, herders and other kinds of celebrities.