Arirang is a lyrical singing genre, which has been handed down orally for centuries and which never has lost its popularity among the Koreans. Arirang was sung by the people in the northwestern part of the Korean peninsula as early as in the late 14th century. Today Arirang is sung in its traditional form by people all over the country, while it is also performed in symphonic arrangements and in dance music. Arirang typically contains a gentle and lyrical melody in five scales, and the refrain: Arirang, arirang, arariyon Over the Arirang hill you go. Arirang songs speak about leaving and reunion, sorrow, joy, and happiness. There are various categories of Arirang songs that can be classified by the lyrics or the melody used, and by place of origin. Currently 36 versions of Arirang are known. Most typical versions are Sodo Arirang, Phyongan Provincial Arirang, Jonchon Arirang, Haeju Arirang, Kangwon Provincial Arirang, Kosong Arirang, Onsong Arirang, Tanchon Arirang, Thongchon Arirang, Musan Arirang, Ku Arirang and Kosan Arirang, Arirang, as living heritage, up till the present day has undergone continuous developments, always reflecting the history of the Korean people. Under Japanese colonial rule, for instance, Arirang was widely sung as it reflected the distress about national ruin and the people’s spirit of resistance. In recent days such modern versions as “Arirang of Reunification” and “Arirang of Great Prosperity” have been produced reflecting the realities of our time.

North Korea 2014

Naqqashlik, or the traditional art of ornament-making, is a highly refined form of decorative craftsmanship in Uzbekistan, rooted in centuries of Islamic and Central Asian artistic traditions. This craft involves the creation of intricate patterns and motifs that adorn architecture, furniture, wooden columns, doors, ceilings, and ceremonial objects. Naqqashlik is not only a visual art but also a spiritual and philosophical expression. It features floral, geometric, and calligraphic motifs, all governed by strict aesthetic principles and symbolic meanings. The craft plays an essential role in architectural preservation, cultural identity, and national aesthetics. Master artisans, known as naqqosh, follow meticulous processes including drawing, carving, painting, and gold leafing. Designs are traditionally developed using natural pigments and hand tools, with every pattern reflecting a balance between beauty and harmony.

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

‘Sada Shin Noh’ is a performing art expressed by the people’s dance-like movements to musical instruments such as drums to re-enact the power of the deity with which the people are blessed. It is always performed on September 24th and 25th every year on a special stage, called Gakuden, constructed within the precincts of the Sada Shrine which is the tutelary presence of the community. During these two days at Sada Shrine, people replace the rush mats, called Goza, with new mats on which the deities seat themselves. The replacement re-enacts the deities’ power. During the performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, a ritual dancer performs with Goza in his hand. The Goza are purified by this dance. People consider that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is indispensable to the re-enactment of the deities’ power. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is also performed at other neighbouring shrines, whenever requested. The repertoire, choreography and music in ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are traditionally fixed. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is accompanied by flute music, three types of drums and singing. The players sit down around the stage, and the dancers perform at the centre of the stage. The repertoire performed in this performing art is classified into three categories. The first seven numbers belong to Category I. The performers do not wear masks, and perform the ritual dances with swords, holy wooden sticks, and bells in hand, depending on the number. In the ritual dance, Gozamai, the dancers perform with the rush mats for the deities in their hands in order to purify them before serving them to the deities. Category II has the three ritual dances performed with a mask of an old man. It is said that these dances were performed in Kyoto in the early seventeenth century. Category III has twelve numbers called Shin Noh which are performed with a mask of a deity. Japanese myths are depicted through these dances. This composition of dances is a typical example of Japanese performing arts. However, the main feature of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is the dance of purification of the deities’ seats. People believe that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ should be regularly performed in order to re-enact the power of the tutelary deities in the community. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is natural and nothing special in the daily lives of the people around Sada Shrine who share the worship. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is an interaction between people and the deities that supports and guarantees a rich and peaceful future for the people, their families, and the community, making the social and cultural functions of “Sada Shin Noh” significant. The people who worship Sada Shrine as a tutelary presence are eager to transmit ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They have practiced diligently to acquire the skills needed for their performances, and have been publicly approved by the people of the community. Those who are in charge of the transmission of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are first, the members of the Association for the Preservation of Sada Shin Noh. They are ordinary citizens engaged in respective jobs, but they practice regularly and have acquired the traditional performance formula. They bear a direct responsibility to perform it in a traditional style in public. Second are Shinto priests, who maintain the Sada Shrine. They have the responsibility of offering the opportunity and place for the public performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’. Third are people inside and outside the community, who consider it necessary to continue transmitting ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They appreciate the public performances of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, and make financial contributions to the Shrine and the Association from time to time. The people of the community have long regarded ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as an important performing art. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the National Government in 1976, it has been widely recognized in Japan as an important element of the Japanese cultural heritage that indicates the transition of the Japanese lifestyle. The transmitting group and community consider ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as one of their own distinctive cultures of which they are proud. By transmitting and performing it in public, it offers them an opportunity to renew a sense of identity with the community and society, thus contributing to its continuity.

Japan 2011

The Lang Suong Temple Festival is held at Lang Suong Temple, Trung Nghia Commune, Thanh Thuy District, Phu Tho Province; on the birthday of Duc Thanh Tan, January 15. In addition to the main festival, the Lang Suong Temple Festival is also held on the death anniversary of the Holy Mother on October 25 (lunar calendar). On the morning of January 15, the hamlets carry the offerings to the temple and gather into a procession of the commune, marching from the temple to the Da River with the purpose of taking Da River water to perform the ceremony and welcoming the adoptive mother of Thanh Tan from Ba Vi to attend the birthday party of the Saint. The community organizes a unique "water procession" ceremony with hem customs such as kite flying, abstaining from calling "hanh". They also organize the Saint procession, the army running game, the cow sacrifice ceremony in the form of a folk performance. The performance process here is both a performance of the legend of Tan Vien such as the Saint procession, the army running game, the cow sacrifice ceremony... and carries the meaning of agricultural beliefs such as the "water procession" to the temple. The offerings to the gods include raw pork, grilled beef, wild chicken, sticky rice, boiled liver, grilled meat, stewed meatballs, and bamboo-tube rice, reminiscent of the simple cooking methods of the Van Lang - Au Lac people. During the festival, there is a phenomenon of looking at "the wind blowing the flags" to recognize that the saints and gods have "returned" to the community. In addition, there are many cultural and artistic activities, folk entertainment games such as: Tug of war, volleyball, crossbow shooting, cockfighting, fire pulling and rice cooking competitions, throwing balls... Lang Suong Temple Festival is an affirmation and continuation of the preservation and promotion of the role of the cultural hero - Duc Thanh Tan Vien Son - formed in the early period of Vietnamese culture and civilization. With its unique spiritual values, Lang Suong Temple Festival was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2018.

Sacred texts representing the spirit, philosophy and teachings of the Buddha are chanted by the monks (Lamas) in the monasteries and villages of the Ladakh region. Buddhism in Ladakh has two sects: Mahayana - that follows the Sutra (treatise) tradition, based on the teachings of Budhha delivered in the form of public discourse; and Vajrayana - that follows a highly esoteric tradition based on the principles espoused by the Tantra practices. There are four major sects of Buddhism in Ladakh namely Nyngma, Kagyud, Shakya and Geluk. Each of these sects has several forms of chanting practised on diverse occasions as annual festivals; agrarian, life cycle healing rituals; for general well being, and to attain Buddhahood. Vajrayana Buddhism stresses the visualisation and recitation of Mantra through the practice of chanting. The chanting of Mantras is an integral part of Buddhist life in Ladakh. Buddhist Chanting is primarily practised in a group, by the monks. It is practised everyday in the monastic assembly hall as a prayer to the deities for world peace, and for personal growth of the practitioner. The villagers also patronise this tradition; they invite the monks to their homes for chanting on various occasions, such as family functions and important days in the agrarian calendar. In fact, on any given day, sounds of chanting can be heard in the villages all over Ladakh. It is a part of Ladakh’s daily life and cultural heritage. Monasteries work as the repository of knowledge and tradition, and as a channel for continuation and preservation of chanting. Buddhist chanting is highly evolved and stylised. The young monks are trained under strict and rigorous supervision of senior monks. Chanting texts are recited frequently till they are committed to memory. Thus chanting as a tradition is passed on from generation to generation as an oral practice and knowledge. The senior monks train young acolytes in the correct use of hand gestures ('mudra') that is an integral part of most chanting traditions. Bells, hand drums, flutes and the trumpets are usually used as accompaniments during chanting. They lend musicality and rhythm to the chanting. The four sects of Vajrayana Buddhism have their own different styles of chanting. Chanting styles can vary from one monastery to another, even if they belong to the same sect. In some sects, chanting is also accompanied with dance ('cham'), which is practised in the monastic courtyard. The Cham chantings of Hemis and Phyang, though they belong to the same sect of Kargyudpa, have entirely different chanting styles. The seven forms of chanting included in the dossier represent the diversity of the tradition practised in the Ladakh region. 1. Shargangrima - It is one of the most popular chanting of Gelukpa Sect. This is a eulogy recited by the Lamas as well as by the lay people in honour of Je Tzongkhapa who founded the Gelukpa sect in the 14th and 15th century. In Sargangrima, the chanters address Je Tzongkhapa as the second Budhha and celebrate him as the Son of the eastern province. 2. Nashthan Phyagzod -This chant uses musical instruments and 'mudras' (hand gestures) during chanting. It is a prayer for the 16 disciples or Arhats of the Budhha. Nashthan Phyagzod is chanted by the Lamas for all sects. The Arhats are the direct successors of the Buddha, the bearers of His teachings. The chant is a prayer to the Arhats to stay eternally on the earth for the sake of Dharma. At the end of each stanza, the chanters play drums, blow on a long flute and beat cymbals, providing a musical rhythm to the chanting. The monks symbolically offer music, dance, incense, flowers, lamps and food through 'mudras.' 3. Kunrig – This chant stresses on the internal visualisations by monks through repetitive chanting and 'mudras.' 4. Rigmachutuk – This chanting is performed by monks who dance in the courtyard of the monastery, wearing copper masks, silk robes and special shoes. It is based on two tantric texts. Rigmachutuk are the 16 fairy maidens or 'dakinis' who escort the titular Guru Padmasambhava in his Dharma missions. It is also performed during the funeral procession of senior monks. 5. Guru Mantra - This Mantra is recited by all followers of Mahayana tradition in Ladakh. This text is seen engraved on stones and metals and inscribed in flags and clothes all over this region. It is believed that this Mantra purifies the human beings of their sins. 6. Chod - It is a secret practice that is usually performed in the cemeteries. Chod requires great concentration and high meditative qualities. In this, the performer visualises that his consciousness has separated from his body, and has transformed into a deity. 7. Guhyasamaj Tantra – This chanting includes 'mudras' through which the monks emulate different missions of the Buddha. These chanting rites are performed all over Ladakh in various monasteries and villages. The nomination contains audio-visual documentation of performances conducted in strict adherence to scriptural guidelines, and under the guidance by the chief Lamas in the following monasteries. Thiksay Monastery Spituk Monastery Matho Monastery Hemis Monastery Phyang Monastery

India 2012

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

Tanovar is a classical Uzbek national dance that embodies grace, rhythm, and deep emotional expression. Originating in Central Asia, particularly in Bukhara, Samarkand, and Tashkent, Tanovar is one of the most cherished traditional dances of Uzbekistan. Its elegant hand movements, soft footwork, and expressive gestures are performed to melodic music of the same name, often composed in slow 6/8 rhythm. The dance reflects themes of love, dignity, nature, and female beauty, often performed solo by women but also taught and adapted for group or stage performances. Tanovar is recognized for its symbolic gestures that convey inner emotion and storytelling without words. The preservation of Tanovar includes teaching in dance schools, cultural centers, informal community circles, and professional ensembles. It is regularly featured in national festivals, cultural days, and international performances, symbolizing Uzbekistan’s rich heritage and refined artistry.

Traditional knowledge, techniques and process to produce “Washi” -Japanese hand-made paper have been transmitted through generations since the 8th century. It has been used not only for writing letters and making books, but also for home interiors such as paper screens, room dividers and sliding doors. While three communities (The Sekishu-Banshi Craftsmen’s Association, the Association for the Preservation of Hon-minoshi Papermaking and the Hosokawa-shi Craftsmen’s Association) have shared their traditional production process; using Kozo plant (mulberry family) as a raw material, soaking its skins in clear river water, placing loose Kozo fibers in thickened water and filtering them with a bamboo-screen, each community has developed their own techniques such that each Washi has its own specific feature. Following the introduction in the 19th Century of low-cost machine-made paper and the modernization of peoples’ lifestyles and consumption patterns, the production and use of Washi was extensively affected. However, people of the concerned communities considered Washi-making techniques as their important cultural heritage and continued to make Washi to meet both traditional and new consumers’ demands such as modern interiors. Most of the inhabitants of the three communities have been playing some roles in keeping this craftsmanship viable, ranging from the cultivation of Kozo, training of the techniques, creation of new forms of products to promotion of Washi domestically and internationally. Today their lives centre around Washi, acting as a catalyst of their social cohesion, identity and pride affirmation. Furthermore these communities have built strong ties between and among them by exchanging information and experiences with a view to cooperating with each other.

Japan 2014

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity The Yeongsanjae is performed to help all beings and spirits enter into the world of truth, by worshipping and admiring the Buddha, Buddha’s law and monks. It is the highest and biggest ritual utilized by Korean Buddhists to represent the world of Buddha here and now and is based on the philosophy of the Lotus Sutra. It is also a means for meditation and training. The order of a Yeongsanjae performance is as follows: 1. Reception Ritual (siryeon): The purpose here is to receive all the saints and spirits of heaven and earth with the guidance of the Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva so that the ritual can be performed in a holy way. 2. Spirit Reception (daeryeong): The masters of the ritual are the spirits, dead and alive, i.e., all people. Dead spirits are invited to the ritual, while those present at the ritual are told why it is being performed and given the directions they should follow, based on the Buddha’s Law. Families of the deceased dedicate food and liquor as an expression of their love and respect for the dead. 3. Cleansing of the Dirt (gwanyok): This is the ritual to cleanse the three karmas of the spirits that have accepted invitation so as to facilitate the achievement of serenity. 4. Donation of Money (Jojeon Jeoman): “Jojeon” means money that can be used in the nether world, and “jeoman” means to endow money with value. The necessity of money is to awaken us to the fact that our life is maintained by material blessings from the outside. 5. Tea Donation (Sinjung Jakbeop): A tea ceremony is dedicated to all the saintly spirits invited with the hope that the ritual will be performed well. 6. Reception of Buddha (Gwaebul Iun): Sakyamuni Buddha, the master of the ritual and who will preach on the Lotus Sutra, and all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are received according to the Law of Buddhism. 7. Dedication of Rice Meal (Sangdan Gwongong): With the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas invited, a rice meal is dedicated. In this ritual, wishes are made that, with the merciful help of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, all beings will obtain happiness and that the light of truth lit by Buddha will shine over the world of suffering. 8. Sermon (Beopmun): A monk in place of Buddha reconfirms the purpose of the ceremony, presenting concrete ways to realize that purpose. The monk delivers a sermon in which the audience is invited to the door of truth. 9. Meal Ritual (Sikdang Jakbeop): This ritual meal is intended not for the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, but for the monks attending the ceremony. However, symbolically, it is for all beings in this universe, and through this service a foundation is laid for becoming a Buddha. 10. Blessing Ritual (Jungdan Gwongong): All of the saintly beings attending the ritual are asked to help ensure a good performance of the ritual. It also asks for blessings on all those present at the ritual. 11. Meal for the Dead Ritual (Sisik): Since the attendees are fortunate to be listening to the words of Buddha and since all rejoice that the dead have all gone to heaven, a happy rather than sorrowful ritual is performed for the departed to celebrate and congratulate themselves on going to heaven. 12. Farewell Ritual (Bongsong & Sodae Baesong): At the opening of the ritual, all beings were politely received with chants, so likewise, they should be given a proper farewell. The farewell is the final step in affecting the deceased’s final destination. Since Yeongsanjae was designated an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage by the state in 1973, it has been under national protection. In 1987, when the Yeongsanjae Preservation Association was officially established, it started to perform activities to ensure its transmission. The Yeongsanjae has been transmitted by the Taego Order, a Korean Buddhist order. Based at Bongwonsa Temple, the Taego Order maintains the tradition of Buddhist rituals and as such, most of the transmitters are monks of the Taego Order. Currently, Monk Kim In-sik (Buddhist name: Guhae) is the primary Yeongsanjae expert in terms of Buddhist music, following the ranks of Jigwang, Byeokeung, Songam, and Ileung. Assisting Kim are Ma Myeong-chan, Lee Su-gil, Oh Chan-yeong, Lee Byeong-u, Lee Jo-won and Han Hui-ja, who are all trainers in Buddhist music and dance or making the ornamental paper flowers for the ritual. A total of 240 transmitters are leading the Yeongsanjae Preservation Association. Until 2006, Bongwonsa Temple held a Yeongsanjae ritual for the public on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month. In order to encourage more people to participate in the ritual, it is now held on Memorial Day, a national holiday which falls on June 6.

South Korea 2009

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

Cultural space of Baysun was recognized by UNESCO as the “Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity” among the first 19 in 2001. Consequently, in 2008, it was included in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity of the Humanity of UNESCO. Inclusion the space to the List enhanced the opportunity of preservation, documentation and conduct scientific researches of artistic traditions and culture of Baysun district. It is a world bringing together settled and nomadic traditions, Turkic and eastern Iranian peoples. The traditional culture of Baysun, besides Islam, has its roots in ancient cults and faiths. In its folklore one can see traditions with elements of Zoroastrianism and Buddhism, animism and ancestors worship. Grazing patterns have not changed in a thousand years. Livestock are still the main measure of wealth, and gardening is a male tradition. Hand spinning wheels, graters, tandirs, water mills, and blacksmiths using bellows all still exist. National clothes are made, such as doppi and chapans and head scarves for men and women, using craft traditions and local ornamental decorations dating from the tenth and eleventh centuries. Old customs and rituals govern life from birth to death. There is much historical heritage and native wisdom in them.

Uzbekistan 2008