The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.

Mongolia 2010

The community transmitting Chakkirako is located at the tip of the peninsular and developed as a town of a fishery harbour as well as a military port since the twelfth century. It is also a harbour from a storm for civil ships of other areas. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six, as generally called Chakkirako. Some of them were popular dances in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, and others were created in the early seventeenth century. Mariners visiting the harbour demonstrated dances of other local communities, and the people of this community transformed them with their ideas into the dance to mainly celebrate a happy new year. The dance of Chakkirako is performed on January 15th every year at the shrine, indoors or before the houses of the community in order to celebrate a happy new year and pray for a bountiful catch of fish, an abundant harvest and prosperity of each family. In Chakkirako sing five to ten women at the age from 40s to 70s while dance ten to twenty girls at the age from 5 to 12 to the songs. Some lyrics of the songs derive from popular ones of the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and others from traditional ones of the early seventeenth century. The girls are well dressed up with colourful kimono, which are worn on the New Year’s Day or other special celebration days. The girls dance face to face in two lines in the four repertoires out of six. They dance in a circle in another repertoire, and dance face to face or in a circle in the remaining one. They dance with one or two folding fans in their hands in the five repertoires. In one of the face-to-face dances they dance with a thin bamboo of twenty-five centimetre length in each hand, making light sounds by clapping these two bamboos. This performing art was named Chakkirako after the sound of this clapping; it sounds to the people chakkirako, and became popular in the mid-twentieth century. No musical instruments are used in Chakkirako except for these bamboos. Chakkirako is regarded as one of local distinctive cultures transmitted for a long time as a celebration of a happy new year or as an entertainment by the local people. Chakkirako derives from dances and songs performed in other local communities of Japan. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976 by the National Government, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. Found in Chakkirako are some essence of songs and dances popular in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries or in the early seventeenth century. It became girls’ dance by the mid-eighteenth century at latest. Chakkirako has been performed as dances to celebrate a happy new year. Because it is colourful and brilliant dances by girls, it has been also performed at the celebration of a new construction of houses or a bountiful catch of fish. Chakkirako is one of entertainments to the people of the community accompanied with celebration. Only in the early twentieth century its aspect of praying to a deity was emphasized while dancing. Girls wore a shrine-style kimono at that time. Back to the basics later, they resumed to wear a colourful kimono to-day. Until the late twentieth century, Chakkirako was performed by the limited people of the small community. Then, people in the surrounding communities have also participated in its transmission and open performance. Today, Chakkirako is certainly performed to the public on January 15th every year. Therefore, the performers concentrate on practices and rehearsals from one week before the day. Elderly women instructed girls, and thus it is transmitted from generations to generations. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of Chakkirako before the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. Chakkirako is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances retain old performing arts which were once popular in local communities. Through this performance can been found the Japanese sentiment on performing arts which was gradually formed up for a long time. The background of the transmission and the performance of Chakkirako indicate the interaction between a local community and performing arts. As mentioned above, Chakkirako has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generation.

Japan 2009

Colloquially, a mask often used in artistic mask dance performances to disguise or hide the original appearance is called “Baab” in Dzongkha (Bhutanese language) and in many local dialects. Baab is not only used for masquerade, but represents the appearance and expression of enlightened beings, celestial beings, guardian deities, and some extraordinary human beings who have helped to shape meaningful human life and promote harmonious living, which is why it is also referred to by the honorific title Zhal baab (face mask). Baab comes in many forms, appearances, complexions and with exceptional features that represent transcendent religious meanings and significance. Baab is the product of an art that requires several skills such as religious knowledge including proper proportions, biodiversity as the basic raw materials are woods, craftsmanship, blacksmithing in making tools and finally painting to give the mask the final structure. According to historical texts, the Baab tradition and the performance of the mask dance, usually called Gar-cham, was introduced to Bhutan by Guru Padmasambava in the early 8 th century. Later, it was further developed by eminent Buddhist masters, especially Terton (discoverer of the hidden treasure) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), who introduced many sacred mask dances and passed on the art of Baab making, which is still recognized and known today for his contribution to the enrichment of Bhutan’s indigenous art and culture. His exceptional art of Baab making and mask dances was later recognized by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651), the head of the state government, and included as one of the of Bhutan’s intangible cultural heritage domain of arts and crafts. Thereafter, the Baab tradition was maintained and enjoyed increasing popularity after the heads of the state government, chief abbots and successive monarchs introduced and authorized other private religious institutions to organize Tshe-chu, Drub-chen, Chod-pa, Rab-ne, Me-wang, Ma-ni, Due-chod (mask dance festivals), etc. throughout the country. In general, the manifestations of Baab can be summarized as; Baab of deities and gods, animals and extraordinary human beings. It is firmly believed that the masks of the deities and gods manifest themselves in various emotional appearances such as; graceful, heroic, abominable, wrathful, compassionate, comical, wondrous, terrifying and petrifying. These expressions can also be divided into four categories: peaceful, inspiring, empowering and angry. There are three types of masks made by Bhutanese artisans: Re baab (paper and cloth mask), Shing baab (wooden mask) and Sing-phye baab (mask made of a mixture of sawdust). However, the former two are ancient technical craft, while the latter is a newer product used mainly for commercial or decorative purposes. Traditionally, Baab are used only for the actual performance or kept as relics after the consecration ceremony has been performed by spiritual masters. It is believed that if these items are not blessed, they are as good as toys and are haunted by the spirits, causing harm to society.

The Bhutanese tradition of xylography and printing was begun in the 15th century by Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) and his sons, creating the root of virtues for the wellbeing of both living and dead in the country. Thereafter, the biography of the Terton and his collected works were printed on woodblocks and distributed to his residential monasteries and his patrons both in Bhutan and Tibet. Following the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) in Bhutan, the hitherto divided country was united under the main influence of the dual system of governance. Thereafter, the successive abbots of the monastic system and heads of the temporal system and then the successive far-sighted kings of the Wangchuck Dynasty, together with the heads of various other schools of Buddhism have continued to uphold the tradition. Skills training in woodblock making, engraving and printing were facilitated to provide sufficient copies of works on science and crafts, and the biographies and excellent teachings to be distributed to the communities of ordained monks and practitioners, dzongs and temples throughout the country. Therefore, Trashigang in the east, Trongsa in the centre, and Punakha and Paro in the west of the country became popular centres for such activities, until the reign of 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928-1972). Starting 1970s, however, distribution has entered into a commercial phase, with increasing numbers of scriptural works being offset printed in India and then returned to Bhutan for distribution. At the same time, the interest in and practice of the traditional method of printing on woodblocks have been gradually losing their value among the users. Nowadays, printing machines have been set up in ever increasing numbers countrywide and these can produce, in larger quantities and within a very short time, scriptural volumes and other books that have a clear typeface, and are colourful and pleasing in appearance. On the one hand, this is a clear indication of progress in economic development, but on the other, this has become one of the main reasons for losing the precious heritage of woodblock print, among others.

“Ay lay” is the ritual of “working together in the village, building the village together”. This is a traditional ritual of the Dao Ho people held to pray for the gods to bless them with favorable weather and good harvests in the place where the people established the village. Every year, the Dao Ho people in Van Ban hold the Village Prayer Ceremony 3 times on the 2nd of February, 6th of June and 12th of December, of which the 6th of June ceremony is the biggest. Because this is the mid-year ceremony, reporting to the gods and the land spirits the results the village has achieved in the first 6 months of the year and the offerings to the gods are also more complete. The offering tray includes: a bowl of rice for the incense burner, three packages of rice, three cups of wine, a bowl of mixed rice and sticky rice, for the shaman to pray for luck for the village. When praying, the shaman calls the names of 7 gods, including the Jade Emperor, the Thunder God, the Village Lord, the God of the Land, the God of Human Souls, and the God of Rice, to witness and bless the whole village. Although the village prayer ceremony is held many times a year, the content and process of the ceremony are relatively consistent. Before the day of the village prayer ceremony, the village head chooses a good day and selects a shaman trusted by the villagers. The shaman must wear traditional costumes and bring a prayer book to perform the ceremony. The ceremony is held at the village head's house. Offerings such as chickens, pigs, white wine, rice, etc. are contributed by families, then gathered at a prestigious household in the community that has been selected in advance to prepare for the ceremonies. It is stipulated that a village prayer ceremony requires at least 3 living objects to be offered to the gods. However, families usually offer to the gods about 6 living objects, including 1 pig and 5 chickens. The offerings in the ceremony are all produced by the local people. From early morning, the villagers gathered at the village chief's house to prepare offerings to invite the shaman to perform the ceremony. Depending on the occasion, the shaman will have a prayer in the Dao language. The prayers must express gratitude to the above and pray for the protection and blessing of the gods for the village. After the village prayer ceremony ends, the villagers together organize a feast at the village chief's house to connect with each other and strengthen community sentiment. The Village Praying Ritual shows the attitude of the Dao people towards nature, not cutting down forests but respecting and protecting nature, so it has value in protecting nature and the environment. In 2018, the Áy lay Village Praying Ritual of the Ho Dao was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage.

The Art of making costume decorative patterns of the Mong Hoa ethnic group in Sa Long commune (Muong Cha-Dien Bien) is expressed through the technique of drawing patterns with beeswax, embroidery, fabric patching and color matching. The Mong Hoa ethnic group believe that patterns on costumes and household items will help them communicate with the gods, invite the gods to their homes, bestow good luck, and ward off evil. To create patterns, the craftsman must prepare the beeswax, use a pen to dip into the wax to draw patterns on the fabric, let it dry, dye it, and then boil it in boiling water. The beeswax melts completely at high temperatures, revealing the patterns. The main patterns are: flowers, diagonal lines, rectangles, squares, snails, diamonds, etc., giving the traditional costumes of the Mong people in Sa Long a unique beauty. The technique of creating patterns on fabric shows that the Mong Hoa ethnic group reflect the personality and aspirations of people throughout their history of development. The patterns are created on traditional costumes: dresses, belts, head scarves, leggings... with their own secrets reflecting the creativity, artistic level, and ingenuity of the Mong Hoa ethnic group. Not only painted on dresses, belts, and costumes, the typical patterns of the Mong Hoa ethnic group are also shown on daily living items such as: field baskets, cross-body bags... Each pattern represents the noble aspirations of the people. It is a valuable folk knowledge reflecting the economic, cultural, social, historical level, the mark of the times, and the cultural identity of the Mong Hoa ethnic group artisans. This is a unique folk art form in the way of creating patterns and color combinations on fabric products to create beautiful, unique, delicate, and skillful costumes that are distinct to Mong women. The Mong Hoa ethnic group in Sa Long commune always protect and promote the value of this heritage with strong aesthetic value, demonstrating their talent, delicacy, and ingenuity. Because of its unique historical and cultural values, the Art of making costume decorative patterns of the Mong people (Mong Hoa ethnic group) in Sa Long commune was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2017.

“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.

Japan 2009

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Records tell us that on the Korean Peninsula, embroidery started during the Three Kingdoms Period (circa 57 BC – 668 AD). During the Goryeo Period (877 – 1394), the practice became so widespread that it was adopted even on the clothes of ordinary people. As a result, embroidery was prohibited several times. With the start of the Joseon Period (1392 – 1910), the practice developed further and was divided into royal embroidery, exquisitely made by skilled court ladies, and the others. Looking at how a piece of embroidery is made, first the cloth to work on is fixed onto a frame and a rough sketch is made on it. Upon the completion of embroidery, the frame is shaken to remove dust. Then, a thin layer of paste is applied to the back of the embroidered surface so as not to let the stitches scatter. The embroidered piece is then placed in the shade to dry and removed from the frame. Embroidery has developed as a reflection of Koreans’ living environment, customs, and beliefs.

In 1995, the Sub-commission on Cultural Communities and Traditional Arts of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) – the lead agency mandated to preserve, promote and develop Philippine culture and the arts – affirmed the need to safeguard traditional knowledge and practices from rapid cultural devaluation brought about by media, tourism, formal education and religion. This paved the way for the creation of The School of Living Traditions (SLT) programme, involving informal, community-managed learning centres where practitioners can transmit their communities’ knowledge, intangible cultural heritage, skills and values to younger generations. The identification of priorities for safeguarding was led by elders, leaders and other members of communities through a series of consultations. In the process, the NCCA provided capacity-building assistance for the mobilization of logistics and other resources needed to establish the learning centres. The SLT programme aims to develop, implement and evaluate community-based measures to safeguard vital traditional cultural knowledge and practices from the potential negative effects of modernization.

Philippines 2021

Khắp Nôm Singing is also called Khắp Tay Singing, which means the ancient folk song of the Tay people in Van Ban area, Lao Cai province. Khắp Nôm Singing is a simple way of singing about a story, a situation, a narrative, a communication expressed by a song that arises in specific moments, conveying feelings and wishes between people and with nature. Khắp Nôm Singing sentences are refined, smooth, and delicate, in which the lyrics in the Lullabies are often gentle, praising, advising with good wishes. There are many types of Khắp Nôm Singing but basically there are 3 types: single Khắp Nôm (singing style of one person, narrative singing style), double Khắp Nôm (singing style of two people, maybe one man - one woman singing in response to each other), crowded Khắp Nôm (singing style with many participants) associated with specific living spaces. Depending on the situation and time, there will be Khắp Nôm verses and Khắp Nôm songs in that situation: Khắp congratulating the new year, Khắp Cham Chieng, Khắp moi ruou, Khắp 12 mua hoa nam tuoi dan... and singing rituals Khắp so pạu ư - Hat xin don dau, hat cong nha moi... Participants in the singing include the elderly, middle-aged and young people. When singing, the Tay people use the Tinh lute and a bunch of musical bells, flutes or drums as accompaniment to make the song smoother. Khắp Nôm Singing with familiar lyrics, born in different circumstances, responding to the needs of the community, imbued with ethnic identity, guiding people to a better life. With those meanings and values, in 2018, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism decided to recognize the Khắp Nôm Singing of the Tay Heritage as a national intangible cultural heritage.

achi no Dengaku is a performing art expressed by the local people through ritual dancing to flute music and beating drums to wish for an abundant harvest of rice crops. The repertoires, manner of dance and music have been fixed through its long tradition. In 1976 it was designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, and is currently recognized as an important cultural heritage that represents trends in Japanese people's way of living. It is performed on a stage of approximately 4m square, temporarily installed during a festival in ""Kumano Nachi Taisha,"" a tutelage shrine in the region. The festival is known nationwide as the Nachi Fire Festival, and Nachi no Dengaku is recognised as an important tradition that is a key component of the festival. Nachi no Dengaku is performed by one flute player, 4 drummers with drums around their waists, 4 players of ""Binzasara,"" a musical instrument that is only used during Dengaku, and 2 others. The flute player performs at the side, while 8 to 10 performers appear on stage and dance in accordance with the drums and Binzasara. They change their formation in various ways, by swapping positions, dancing in a circle or symmetrically. There are 22 repertoires, each performed in 45 minutes. The Binzasara is 8cm by 2cm, 1cm thick and is made by stringing together around 70 wooden plates. The dancer holds each handle of the Binzasara, and dances while making a sound by moving the wooden plates like a wave.

Japan 2012

Truong Ba Temple is located on a fairly flat piece of land in Tra Xuan town, about 1km from the center of Tra Bong district. Truong Ba Temple is a religious and spiritual establishment established by the Vietnamese and Chinese, becoming a pilgrimage site for the Cham, Kinh, Hoa, Cor and other ethnic groups. In addition to worshiping the Holy Mother Thien Y A Na, Truong Ba Temple also worships two human gods, Bùi Tá Hán và Mai Đình Dõng, two human gods who have contributed to the development, stability and pacification of the mountainous region in the West of Quang Ngai. In 2014, Truong Ba Temple was recognized as a National Historical Relic by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism. The lopsided banyan tree in front of the temple is recognized as a heritage tree. Truong Ba Temple Festival is an annual festival held at Truong Ba Temple in Tra Xuan town - Tra Bong Quang Ngai to pay tribute to the Holy Mother Thien Y A Na and other gods who have contributed to the development and protection of this land. The festival is held from April 15 to 16 of the lunar calendar. The ceremonial committee of about 17 to 21 people is carefully selected to perform many rituals: the procession of the royal decree, the bathing ceremony, the offering ceremony at the outer altar, the main hall ceremony, the flower lantern ceremony, the buffalo eating ceremony of the Co people, the incense offering ceremony... The festival features unique folk cultural activities such as: singing, lion and dragon dance, singing Ba Trao, Bai Choi, Cà Đáo dance, gong performance of the Co people... The festival demonstrates solidarity and the strong cultural exchange between the ethnic groups living in the area: Cham, Hoa, Cor, Kinh. Through the festival, local people and tourists will have a deeper understanding of the meaning of Dien Truong Ba as well as the cultural characteristics, people, and land here. In 2017, Dien Truong Ba Festival was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage. Dien Truong Ba Festival is a unique cultural highlight of Tra Bong highland district, which has been opening up a direction for tourism and service development in the locality.