ALL
living heritage
ICH Elements 24
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Mongolian traditional art of Khöömei
The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.
Mongolia 2010 -
Chakkirako
The community transmitting Chakkirako is located at the tip of the peninsular and developed as a town of a fishery harbour as well as a military port since the twelfth century. It is also a harbour from a storm for civil ships of other areas. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six, as generally called Chakkirako. Some of them were popular dances in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, and others were created in the early seventeenth century. Mariners visiting the harbour demonstrated dances of other local communities, and the people of this community transformed them with their ideas into the dance to mainly celebrate a happy new year. The dance of Chakkirako is performed on January 15th every year at the shrine, indoors or before the houses of the community in order to celebrate a happy new year and pray for a bountiful catch of fish, an abundant harvest and prosperity of each family. In Chakkirako sing five to ten women at the age from 40s to 70s while dance ten to twenty girls at the age from 5 to 12 to the songs. Some lyrics of the songs derive from popular ones of the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and others from traditional ones of the early seventeenth century. The girls are well dressed up with colourful kimono, which are worn on the New Year’s Day or other special celebration days. The girls dance face to face in two lines in the four repertoires out of six. They dance in a circle in another repertoire, and dance face to face or in a circle in the remaining one. They dance with one or two folding fans in their hands in the five repertoires. In one of the face-to-face dances they dance with a thin bamboo of twenty-five centimetre length in each hand, making light sounds by clapping these two bamboos. This performing art was named Chakkirako after the sound of this clapping; it sounds to the people chakkirako, and became popular in the mid-twentieth century. No musical instruments are used in Chakkirako except for these bamboos. Chakkirako is regarded as one of local distinctive cultures transmitted for a long time as a celebration of a happy new year or as an entertainment by the local people. Chakkirako derives from dances and songs performed in other local communities of Japan. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976 by the National Government, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. Found in Chakkirako are some essence of songs and dances popular in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries or in the early seventeenth century. It became girls’ dance by the mid-eighteenth century at latest. Chakkirako has been performed as dances to celebrate a happy new year. Because it is colourful and brilliant dances by girls, it has been also performed at the celebration of a new construction of houses or a bountiful catch of fish. Chakkirako is one of entertainments to the people of the community accompanied with celebration. Only in the early twentieth century its aspect of praying to a deity was emphasized while dancing. Girls wore a shrine-style kimono at that time. Back to the basics later, they resumed to wear a colourful kimono to-day. Until the late twentieth century, Chakkirako was performed by the limited people of the small community. Then, people in the surrounding communities have also participated in its transmission and open performance. Today, Chakkirako is certainly performed to the public on January 15th every year. Therefore, the performers concentrate on practices and rehearsals from one week before the day. Elderly women instructed girls, and thus it is transmitted from generations to generations. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of Chakkirako before the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. Chakkirako is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances retain old performing arts which were once popular in local communities. Through this performance can been found the Japanese sentiment on performing arts which was gradually formed up for a long time. The background of the transmission and the performance of Chakkirako indicate the interaction between a local community and performing arts. As mentioned above, Chakkirako has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generation.
Japan 2009 -
Baab: Mask
Colloquially, a mask often used in artistic mask dance performances to disguise or hide the original appearance is called “Baab” in Dzongkha (Bhutanese language) and in many local dialects. Baab is not only used for masquerade, but represents the appearance and expression of enlightened beings, celestial beings, guardian deities, and some extraordinary human beings who have helped to shape meaningful human life and promote harmonious living, which is why it is also referred to by the honorific title Zhal baab (face mask). Baab comes in many forms, appearances, complexions and with exceptional features that represent transcendent religious meanings and significance. Baab is the product of an art that requires several skills such as religious knowledge including proper proportions, biodiversity as the basic raw materials are woods, craftsmanship, blacksmithing in making tools and finally painting to give the mask the final structure. According to historical texts, the Baab tradition and the performance of the mask dance, usually called Gar-cham, was introduced to Bhutan by Guru Padmasambava in the early 8 th century. Later, it was further developed by eminent Buddhist masters, especially Terton (discoverer of the hidden treasure) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), who introduced many sacred mask dances and passed on the art of Baab making, which is still recognized and known today for his contribution to the enrichment of Bhutan’s indigenous art and culture. His exceptional art of Baab making and mask dances was later recognized by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651), the head of the state government, and included as one of the of Bhutan’s intangible cultural heritage domain of arts and crafts. Thereafter, the Baab tradition was maintained and enjoyed increasing popularity after the heads of the state government, chief abbots and successive monarchs introduced and authorized other private religious institutions to organize Tshe-chu, Drub-chen, Chod-pa, Rab-ne, Me-wang, Ma-ni, Due-chod (mask dance festivals), etc. throughout the country. In general, the manifestations of Baab can be summarized as; Baab of deities and gods, animals and extraordinary human beings. It is firmly believed that the masks of the deities and gods manifest themselves in various emotional appearances such as; graceful, heroic, abominable, wrathful, compassionate, comical, wondrous, terrifying and petrifying. These expressions can also be divided into four categories: peaceful, inspiring, empowering and angry. There are three types of masks made by Bhutanese artisans: Re baab (paper and cloth mask), Shing baab (wooden mask) and Sing-phye baab (mask made of a mixture of sawdust). However, the former two are ancient technical craft, while the latter is a newer product used mainly for commercial or decorative purposes. Traditionally, Baab are used only for the actual performance or kept as relics after the consecration ceremony has been performed by spiritual masters. It is believed that if these items are not blessed, they are as good as toys and are haunted by the spirits, causing harm to society.
Bhutan -
Sing-par tab-ni: Woodblock Printing
The Bhutanese tradition of xylography and printing was begun in the 15th century by Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) and his sons, creating the root of virtues for the wellbeing of both living and dead in the country. Thereafter, the biography of the Terton and his collected works were printed on woodblocks and distributed to his residential monasteries and his patrons both in Bhutan and Tibet. Following the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) in Bhutan, the hitherto divided country was united under the main influence of the dual system of governance. Thereafter, the successive abbots of the monastic system and heads of the temporal system and then the successive far-sighted kings of the Wangchuck Dynasty, together with the heads of various other schools of Buddhism have continued to uphold the tradition. Skills training in woodblock making, engraving and printing were facilitated to provide sufficient copies of works on science and crafts, and the biographies and excellent teachings to be distributed to the communities of ordained monks and practitioners, dzongs and temples throughout the country. Therefore, Trashigang in the east, Trongsa in the centre, and Punakha and Paro in the west of the country became popular centres for such activities, until the reign of 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928-1972). Starting 1970s, however, distribution has entered into a commercial phase, with increasing numbers of scriptural works being offset printed in India and then returned to Bhutan for distribution. At the same time, the interest in and practice of the traditional method of printing on woodblocks have been gradually losing their value among the users. Nowadays, printing machines have been set up in ever increasing numbers countrywide and these can produce, in larger quantities and within a very short time, scriptural volumes and other books that have a clear typeface, and are colourful and pleasing in appearance. On the one hand, this is a clear indication of progress in economic development, but on the other, this has become one of the main reasons for losing the precious heritage of woodblock print, among others.
Bhutan
ICH Stakeholders 16
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Gandharba Community
Bhansar Village in the Tanahun District, 140 kilometers west of Kathmandu, is home to the Gandharba Community, a musician caste of Nepal. The community is made up of 26 Gandharba houses and 150 residents. Nepal has a few musician castes that use song and music as their hereditary occupation. The Gandharba’s uniqueness comes from their use of the sarangi, a four-string instrument played with a bow, and their broad repertoire of songs. For centuries, the Gandharba played the sarangi as a tradition and profession. As a consequence of relying on the instrument for their livelihood, they were able to preserve their culture, art, and heritage since ancient times. The Gandharba musicians traveled throughout the country playing their music, and through their music, they sang messages of the people and kings and about heroic deeds. The Gandharba musicians were messengers of the nation. In fact, in many ways they still are, as they are the only conveyors of news and messages from times long past.\nIn Bhansar, people have their own culture, rituals, traditions, and lifestyles, with the majority of adult men relying on making and selling sarangi. In addition to selling instrument to locals and foreigners, they also seek out opportunities to perform. The elder men still wander from place to place trying to make a living as well as spreading the news and stories of the past. Other men of the younger generation make a living by singing on highway buses to entertain the passengers. However, the most interesting aspect of this village community is the creative thought and work of the Gandharba women.
Nepal -
Hawker Community
Hawker culture in Singapore comprises hawker centers, hawkers, and hawker food. It is a living heritage shared by those who prepare hawker food and those who dine and mingle over hawker food in “community dining rooms” called hawker centers. It encompasses people from all walks of life, a wide range of affordable multicultural food, and common shared spaces. While similar food practices can be found in neighboring countries and internationally, they each have their respective historical contexts, cultural influences, and sociocultural functions.\nHawker centers in Singapore are naturally ventilated premises that are accessible and integral to the everyday lives of people in Singapore. Hawker stalls, selling food from different cultures, usually line both sides of the center, with an open communal dining space in the middle. At a typical hawker center, one can often experience sights and sounds, such as the sizzling of wok fire and rising steam from boiling pots, as hawkers whip up freshly cooked, made-to-order dishes at their hawker stalls. It is common to hear friendly exchanges between hawkers and patrons in the various languages spoken in Singapore, over a bustling atmosphere as families, colleagues and friends chat and bond over hawker meals.
Singapore
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Antoine Gauthier
Antoine Gauthier acts as director of the umbrella organization for the intangible heritage and cultural traditions of Quebec (Canada), recognized by the Ministry of Culture and accredited by UNESCO under the 2003 Convention. He carried out on behalf of this NGO several projects, consultations, conferences and training. As an expert in intangible heritage, he is regularly invited to speak at conferences around the world. Many of his writings deal with oral and living traditions, in particular a series of studies entitled "The cultural traditions of Quebec in figures". He is co-founder of the ICH NGO Forum.
Canada -
Cecilia V. Picache
Cecilia V. Picache is the Senior Tourism Operations Officer of the City Tourism and Development Office (CTDO) of the City Government of Imus, Province of Cavite, Philippines. Before joining CTDO in 2020, she was in charge of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Program (2008-2017) and the National Living Treasures Award Program (1993-2014) of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts. For 24 years, she carried out fieldwork among ethnic groups in the Philippines. She earned her B.A. in Journalism and M.A. in Cultural Heritage Studies (magna cum laude) from the University of Santo Tomas. She was a research fellow of the Asia Cooperation Program on Conservation Science of the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage of the Republic of Korea in 2010.
Philippines
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YAP STATE HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE OF MICRONESIA
The Yap State Historic Preservation Office (YSHPO), located in Yap State in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), operates under the Department of Youth and Civic Affairs of the Yap State Government and has a regular budget funded by the local government and the National Park Service (NPS) and the United States Department of the Interior (DOI). YSHPO also receives occasional funding assistance for projects, technical or capacity building, and training and workshops from esteemed regional and international organizations—such as UNESCO, ICHCAP, and CRIHAP—and various national governments, including those of Australia, France, United States, and the FSM. YSHPO also collaborates and networks with other regional organizations, universities, and other bodies. To name a few, they include the University of Oregon, the University of Guam, Queens College, La Trobe, and others by conducting field schools in Yap during academic breaks.\nYSHPO has five main functions: 1) collecting Yapese written and oral history, 2) registering and surveying cultural and historical properties, 3) inventorying and mapping cultural and historical sites and properties, 4) restoring and rehabilitating cultural and historic properties, and 5) performing general YSHPO administration, including NPS/DOI Historic Preservation Fund (HPF). The organization also occasionally assists and supports the operation of the Yap State Living History Museum. Of some related projects, ICHCAP has funded three in Yap: 1) Youth Meets ICH with OurYAP, an umbrella youth organization for all the youth clubs, including high school children in Yap State, 2) the Preliminary Survey on Dormant ICH Data in the Pacific with a mixture of project workers from the Waab Cultural Heritage Society (elders) and some young people along with YSHPO staff, and 3) the 2017 ICHCAP-YSHPO Joint Cooperation Project for Safeguarding Intangible Heritage by Digitizing ICH-Related Analogue Data of the FSM, which is still ongoing.
Micronesia -
Bhabanagara Foundation
The Bhabanagara Foundation aims at articulating age-old multidimensional language, literature, education procedure, and cultural performances locally and globally. Committed to revitalization of cultural origins, they conduct events and workshops for the safeguarding of Bengali intangible cultural heritage (ICH) such as Charya Songs. In addition to their Weekly Sadhusanga (discussion and performance on Wednesday afternoon) for the youth, scholars, and practitioners, they publish Bhābanagara: International Journal of Bengali Studies. The foundation has translated and published the Convention for the Safeguarding of the ICH. They hold an inventory of four thousand Bangladeshi living Folk Artists and Artisans.
Bangladesh
ICH Materials 974
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New Year Festival as Living Heritage_1
In mid-April every year, Sri Lankans celebrate the Sinhala and Hindu New Year with distinctive rituals that fuse Hindu and Buddhist elements. With the introduction of Buddhism in the third century BCE, traditional Hindu New Year rituals were reinterpreted. While historians and sociologists believe these rituals were closely related to sun worship because they coincided with ancient myths about the sun moving from one celestial house to another the major rituals today embody a sense of cultural heredity and tradition.
Sri Lanka -
New Year Festival as Living Heritage_3
In mid-April every year, Sri Lankans celebrate the Sinhala and Hindu New Year with distinctive rituals that fuse Hindu and Buddhist elements. With the introduction of Buddhism in the third century BCE, traditional Hindu New Year rituals were reinterpreted. While historians and sociologists believe these rituals were closely related to sun worship because they coincided with ancient myths about the sun moving from one celestial house to another the major rituals today embody a sense of cultural heredity and tradition.
Sri Lanka
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The Art of Rickshaw Painting
Rickshaw is considered one of the most popular transport vehicles in Bangladesh. Millions of rickshaws can be seen all over the country. It is one of the most easy-to-get and traditional vehicles in this region. Basically, this is a three-wheeled pedicab driven by a person who is generally called 'rickshaw-wala'. It is required to put hard physical labor to drive this vehicle. Most of the Asian nations have their own form of this primitive transportation. But, in Bangladesh, the vibrant, colorful designs on rickshaw has taken it to another level of aesthetics and craftsmanship. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels of the vehicle is the main attraction of the whole artwork. This is what you generally refer to as rickshaw painting- a genre of art that is unique to the Bengali culture. Sometimes it resembles rural life, sometimes historic incidents or movie stars or surreal thoughts, essentially to attract the passengers. This is a traditional Bangladeshi urban folk art form that represents the culture, history, and livelihood of common people. In reality, every rickshaw is a single mobile piece of art.\n\nThe themes of rickshaw painting are a bit different in different cities. In Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, the paintings are more vibrant than the paintings Chittagong region, and you can also notice the difference in Rajshahi or other regions. But most of the time It includes the colorful paint of birds, flowers, village scenery, liberation war, cinema poster, cities, mythology, animals, human beings, national monuments, etc. Even sometimes global incidents inspire the artisans. There were rickshaw paintings in Dhaka based on the incidence of the collapse of twin towers in the United States of America.\nThe rickshaw painters are considered as traditional folk artists. Their arts are sometimes considered as people's art. There are different types of rickshaw painters. Mostly they are less educated. They are the people who have been working in rickshaw garages. If you visit the rickshaw garages you may find elderly people who have been painting for decades. This is somehow a pearl of local wisdom. Most of the early artisans self-taught. They have no institutional training or knowledge of painting. However, their colorful vibrant paintings on rickshaw show their craftsmanship, skill, and level of imagination and observation power. These paintings on the body of the rickshaw can easily catch someone's eye which is the main reason behind rickshaw painting- to attract passengers. nThe painters reflect their own likings and desires in their paint as well as the desires of the people who are ordering the painting. They also consider the likings of the passengers whom we call rickshaw-jatri. The decoration and painting attract the general riders. They enjoy watching this piece of art.\n\nWe can see some challenges nowadays, in terms of keep going on with this traditional form of art because of mechanization, modernization, and urbanization. Rickshaws are gradually being withdrawn from selected streets of the larger cities. There is a doubt that this will eventually affect the traditional art form. If this continues to happen, the big cities will have no more rickshaws which is really a big threat to the art form. Some people also oppose rickshaw pulling because this is a very hard physical labor-oriented occupation. But if rickshaw gets withdrawn from the big cities there will be a risk to lose the tradition and it will affect the economy and living of the people related to this. nThe traditional artisans of rickshaw painting are somehow facing some problems to keep going on with their traditional livelihood. They complain that they are not getting enough earing from rickshaw painting these days. They paint rickshaws with their hands. But nowadays there are other available digital paint forms like screen printing which costs three or four times less than the hand paintings. So the rickshaw owners are preferring to buy these screen printings. nRickshaw painting is one of the most tangible forms of intangible cultural practice. This art is considered 'peoples art. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels, leaves a trail of passion that the Rickshaw artist puts in his creations. This craftsmanship requires knowledge and skills which is transmitted from the early rickshaw painters themselves. nSome young students of Charukola, Dhaka University; one of the most influential fine arts institutes of the country, have expressed their thoughts on the safeguarding of this unique art form. They are also trying to revitalize this traditional form of art. They are trying to make it popular among the urban upper and middle-class society. They suggested using this form of art on other products like dresses, mobile phones, and other accessories. nAs the genre of the rickshaw paint is dying down due to digital printing and other such technologies, some young Bangladeshi artists are trying to bring back rickshaw art and promote it by hand painting on modern, innovative products. They are trying to convert the traditional form of rickshaw art into a modern form of art. \n\nThe youth of Bangladesh is very much connected to this intangible cultural heritage and they are finding their way to safeguard and promote it in this era of digital printing. While we can feel the risk of diminishing this art form, It is a light that young people who are parts of institutional or formal fine arts are trying to safeguard and promote the knowledge and tradition of the painting. They are also taking steps to preserve and protect the form of art .
Bangladesh 2019 -
Traditional Dance of Tebe-tebe
Tebe-tebe is one of the most widely practiced and deeply cherished traditional dances in Timor-Leste. Rooted in communal identity and spiritual expression, it is performed during a wide range of ceremonies—rituals of healing and harvest, weddings, sacred house gatherings (uma lulik), and commemorative events that bring entire communities together.\n\nAt its core, tebe-tebe is a line or circle dance performed by groups of people—often with women and men linking arms or shoulders—who step and sway in unison to the beat of traditional instruments like the babadok (a hand-held drum). The movements are deliberately grounded and rhythmic, characterized by stomping feet, subtle sways, and communal gestures that convey strength, connection, and balance.\n\nThe dance is accompanied by chanted songs, usually performed in a call-and-response style. These songs are often rich in metaphor, addressing themes of unity, gratitude, remembrance, or negotiation with the spirit world. The lyrics, sung in Tetun or other local languages, carry encoded histories, ancestral teachings, and emotional expressions that elevate the dance beyond entertainment into the realm of cultural storytelling.\n\nTebe-tebe plays a vital role in moments of social and spiritual transition. It may be performed to welcome guests, to celebrate a marriage, to honor the dead, or to invoke protection and blessing during a harvest ceremony such as sau-batar. In each case, the dance serves to activate communal energy and connect the visible world with the ancestral realm.\n\nThe inclusive nature of the dance—performed by people of all ages and social backgrounds—reflects its egalitarian spirit. It is not restricted to professional dancers or experts; rather, it is meant to be shared, learned through observation and participation from a young age. In many villages, elders pass on the steps and songs during festivals and ceremonies, and school programs and cultural centers are increasingly incorporating tebe-tebe into youth education to ensure its survival.\n\nWhile variations exist across regions, the essence of tebe-tebe remains consistent: it is a dance of the people, by the people, and for the people. In its rhythm and repetition, the community finds both cohesion and catharsis—expressing sorrow, joy, solidarity, and reverence through a single, unified movement.\n\nToday, tebe-tebe continues to evolve. It is performed not only in rural rituals but also on national stages, international cultural events, and heritage festivals. And while some modern adaptations have emerged, the traditional forms are still held with deep respect, especially by elders who carry the memory of its ceremonial power.\n\nIn every echo of the babadok and every synchronized step of the dancers, tebe-tebe tells a timeless story—of a people connected to one another, to their ancestors, and to the living land they call home.
Timor 2024
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One Asia In Dance
I remember the dancers of Asia, who flew in from far and wide each year without hesitation. Meeting these dancers, united in their passion for keeping the beauty of traditional dances alive against the impending threat of rapid urbanization and globalization, was a deeply moving and happy experience for me. Their joy, talent, earnestness and pure intent were what made "One Asia in Dance" possible.\n\nDance is a living and breathing art form. In performance, it goes beyond the preservation of the fixed original form, to connect the past, present and future, evolving and developing. 'One Asia in Dance' showed not only the transmission of traditions but also the continuing reinvention of traditions to reflect contemporary sentiments in the traditional dances of Asia. I sincerely hope that a wider audience will find an opportunity to rediscover the value of cultural heritage in the Asia Pacific through the window of dance.\n\n*This collection is donated by the Asia Dance Culture Institute in Korea
South Korea 2017 -
NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES
DVD2_NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES\n\nThe four hereditary musician castes of Nepal are Damai, Gandharba, Kapali, and Badi. The most visible of these are the Damai and the Gandharba musicians. The Kapali are temple musicians and the Badi are drum makers. Damai are required to play for the goddess of the ruling class and also to play at all types of ceremonies and rites of passage, such as weddings and Bratabhandha. They perform in a group known as a panchai baajaa, which is composed of nine musicians playing seven different musical instruments representing the five universal elements of earth, water, fire, air, and sky, of which all matter and living things are composed. The tyamko represents earth, the damaha represents water, the jhurma represents fire, the dholaki represents air, and the narasingaa, sahane, and karnal represent the sky. Panchai baajaa music is believed to keep the elements in balance and harmony and to result in therapeutic musical healing. The Gandharba or Gaine caste musicians traditionally travel from village to village and door to door singing bhajan (hymns), songs from the great Hindu epics, and karkha (historical songs of heroes and bravery), but also bring news. They accompany themselves by playing saarangi.
Nepal 2017
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Kwintangan Kayu (Ngalagpi)
Paglami-lamihan Soundscapes 2: Music by National Living Treasure Uwang Ahadas and the Ahadas Family Ensemble Traditionally played solo in the rice fields after planting the palay and until the flowering stage. The kwintangan kayu is made of five graduated logs of manakayan tree (Shorea almon Foxw) and one piece of bamboo. These are arranged on top of a tree or set up on the ground and played continuously by different musicians day and night. Recording Credits Producer NCCA-Intangible Cultural Heritage Unit Audio Engineer Froilan Malimban Studio Fastgen Media Productions Year Recorded 2011
Philippines 1905 -
Kwintangan Kayu No. 2 (Ngeruwe)
Paglami-lamihan Soundscapes 2: Music by National Living Treasure Uwang Ahadas and the Ahadas Family Ensemble May be played by two or three musicians. Performed by Uwang Ahadas, kwintangan kayu (melody) Accompanied by Sanira Ahadas, kwintangan kayu (rhythm) Recording Credits Producer NCCA-Intangible Cultural Heritage Unit Audio Engineer Froilan Malimban Studio Fastgen Media Productions Year Recorded 2011
Philippines 1905
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Folk Songs of Nepal
CD3_FOLK SONGS OF NEPAL\n\nNepal is still extremely rich in folk songs, though these are less popular with younger generations. The music culture has traditionally been an oral culture passed down from guru to pupil. Many songs that have never been recorded or written down are thought to have been lost. Fortunately, several enthusiastic folklorists, musicians, singers, and researchers have made collections of folk song lyrics to promulgate them, focusing especially on the rarer and most endangered folk songs. We present here a few examples.
Nepal 2016 -
Bhajans of Nepali Folk Culture
CD1_BHAJANS OF NEPALI FOLK CULTURE\n\nA bhajan is a spiritual chant in traditional Nepalese culture that is performed mainly in temples. The lyrics typically recount the good deeds of various gods and goddesses. It is believed that the performance of a bhajan brings about peace and prosperity and an improved quality of life for all living beings. Bhajans of Nepali Folk Culture This CD includes examples from four distinct categories of bhajan, namely Devi Bhajan, Dafa Bhajan, Khainjadi Bhajan, and Usha Charitra Bhajan.
Nepal 2016
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Lialiaci Publication January – March 2022
Lialiaci is a publication of the iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Ministry of iTaukei Affairs.\nLialiaci means to ponder or reflect upon deeply. That is the intent of these articles and perspectives on culture. \n\nThe Vanua Spirituality will attempt to explain the ancient spirituality of the indigenous people of Fiji. Indigenous spirituality is important because it describes in totality the significance of the Vanua, its worldview and vanua ethos. \n\nFijian Bread; The people of Qoma are fisherfolk, and part of their traditional role is the presentation of turtle accompanied with a basket of Fijian bread 'madrainiviti' to the chief of Verata and Dawasamu. Before the introduction of wheat bread in Fiji, their ancestors were enjoying traditional bread made out of fermented root crops.\n\nThe five Cultural Protected Water Body (CPWB) Types in Fiji; A total of five CPWB were found to be practiced in Fiji.\n
Fiji January – March 2022 -
Silk Roads ICH Networking Program Report
This book contains the presentation and discussion of the above international conference in the form of an online strategic meeting with Webinar, and the first chapter contains webinar presentations on the theme of Life, Environment and Intangible Heritage of Silk Road.\nIn addition, Chapter 2 contains rich examples of the diversity of intangible cultural heritage festivals, and chapters 3 and 4 contain network construction methods and presentations on joint cooperation projects through networks, respectively. In addition, a summary of each presentation and discussion on each topic were included, along with recommendations to create the Silk Road Intangible Heritage Network for 2021.
South Korea 2020
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AcknowledgmentFirst of all, I congratulate publishing Tugging Rituals and Games: A Common Element, Diverse Approaches through the collaborative efforts of Dangjin City and ICHCAP. Intangible Cultural heritage (ICH) is the life of the human community and an important driver and asset for sustainable devel-opment. In particular, the tug-of-war as a representative folk game expresses the characteristics and spiritual values of Korean national culture as well as a common Asian heritage wishing for harmony, unity, prosperity, and fertility of the community.\n\nThe Korean government has been initiating ICH safeguarding policy efforts since 1962, starting with the enactment of the Cultural Properties Protection Act. In 2005, Korea joined the UNESCO 2003 Convention on the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, sharing the expe-rience and knowledge of safeguarding Korean ICH and strengthening cooperation for safeguarding intangible heritage in an international context. In 2015, four Asian countries (Cambodia, Philippines, Republic of Korea, and Vietnam) jointly inscribed folk tugging rituals and games on the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.Year2019NationJapan,Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Ukraine,Viet Nam
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The Present Situation of Transmitting Traditional Tug-of-War in JapanThe custom of traditional Japanese tug-of-war, or tsunahiki (綱引), can be outlined as follows:\n\n• It is practiced on different annual events, such as Ko-syogatsu (小正月), or New Year celebration around 15 January according to the lunar calendar), Obon festival (盆)celebrated around 15 August, the Boys’ Festival on 5 May (端午節句), or the fifteenth night of August of the lunar calendar (八月十五夜).\n• The tug-of-war ropes are made of either straw, kaya (kind of cogon grass often used as traditional roofing materials), or shobu (菖蒲 or sweet sedge).\n• A village is divided into two groups of farming and fishing areas, eastern and west-ern areas, and upstream and downstream areas, and in some cases, the two groups are subdivided into smaller groups such as children and young adults as well as men and women.\n• The rope is tugged by these groups, or dragged around, slammed against the ground, or sometimes cut into pieces.\n• The purpose of this traditional event is said to forecast the volume of the coming harvest, to ward off evil spirits, or to pray for a peaceful life.Year2019NationJapan,Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Ukraine,Viet Nam