‘Salbuurun’ is a complex hunting game with golden eagles, ‘taigan’ dogs (the Kyrgyz breed of greyhounds) and bow. In the modern salbuurun, golden eagles participate in two exercises: ‘chyrga’ and ‘ondok’. In the first exercise, each berkutchi (eagle master) lets his eagle flying towards moulage, which is entailed by a galloping rider. The eagle has to reach and grasp it. Here, time and speed of the golden eagle are estimated. The golden eagle is seated at a distance of 200 meters in ‘ondok’ exercise. At the judge’s signal, the hunter holloes his eagle holding bait in his hands. Here, the arrival time of the eagle to his owner’s hand is estimated. ‘Taigan zharysh’ is a race organized for the greyhounds. Dog’s agility is determined by the speed of its run at a distance of 350 meters. Dogs chase the moulages that is entailed by the horse rider. ‘Zhaa atuu’ is shooting with a traditional bow (archery).

Aitys (in Kazakh language), Aitysh (in Kyrgyz) is an improvised competition of two akyns, the form of oral poetry performed in a singing manner, poetic contest of improvisations or a poetic duel of wits. The element is performed to the accompaniment of traditional musical instruments: Kazakh dombra or Kyrgyz komuz. Two akyns compete with each other in improvisation of verses on topical themes in a wit-sparkling manner alternating humour and deep philosophic reflections. During the competition two akyns sitting opposite each other develop a song-like dialogue catching up the opponent’s words and performing in turn their improvisations on the spur of the moment. Songs performed during the aitysh-aitys are improvised on whatever topics which come up depending on the wish of the audience. The winner of the competition is the one considered to have demonstrated the most musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit. The element is very popular among people and is considered as a “folk tribune”. In fact, all regions of the countries have bearers and practitioners who often represent their local communities at the poetic competitions raising up topical and urgent problems of social life and criticizing all kinds of vices. The element is practiced at various events from local festivities to nation-wide events. Aitysh/Aitys presents the art of a dialogue participated not only by the performers but by their listeners as well. It is an essential part of life for the communities of tokmo-akyns and aityskers.

Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan 2015

Falconry (munushkorluk, itelgichilik, itelgi saluu) is a traditional practice and domain of knowledge, which includes catching and taming of falcons, training and flying them to take quarry in a natural environment. This domain also includes belief systems, ritual practices, and oral history on falcon types, their behaviour and character traits, as well as methods of their selection and taming and an influence they have on the falconer's life. Falconry was one of the ways of traditional life support of nomadic Kyrgyz people. It was an integral part of a nomadic life style based on the relationship between a man and a bird. In the course of this interaction, the man tamed the bird to his needs, and the bird nurtured in man such qualities as sensitivity, endurance and caring attitude to the world of nature. Hence, this model of interaction enabled the falconer to develop a respect and a caring attitude towards all of his surroundings.

Kyrgyzstan 2021

Gendang Melayu Sarawak is a combination of music, songs and dance inherited by the Sarawak Malay community. During a performance the women take their places behind a batik curtain to separate them from the men who sit in front of the curtain at their own leisure. The performance starts with dances performed by the group in pairs. They sing and exchange quatrains. Sometimes the dancers cover their faces with batik sarongs to conceal their identities. Commonly used musical instruments are the drum, violin, accordion and gong. Hitting the centre of the ‘gendang’ produces the ‘pak’ sound, and ‘pung’ is achieved along the edge. The clashing or combination of the ‘pak’ and ‘pung’ is what creates the unmistakable rhythm of ‘gendang Melayu’ Sarawak (Sarawak Malay drum) which typically accompanies hours of ‘joget’ numbers sung by the ‘Seh Gendang’. The lyrics of the songs are in the form of traditional or impromptu ‘pantun’ (poems). It is customary for celebrators to dance (‘nopeng’ or ‘bertandak’) to the songs, hence the terms ‘penopeng’ or ‘penandak’. A verse of ‘pantun’ usually has four lines consisting of alternating, roughly rhyming lines. The first and second lines (‘barisan pembayang’) sometimes appear completely disconnected in meaning from the third and fourth (‘barisan maksud’), but there is almost invariably a link of some sort. In addition, the ‘pantun’ normally repeats the second and the fourth couplet to beautify the melodies. This event’s main purpose is to have fun but, indirectly, it provides opportunities for youths to seek for their future life partners. Gendang Melayu Sarawak is performed during wedding feasts, prayer and circumcision ceremonies, as well as folks festivals. Gendang Melayu Sarawak was recognised as a National Heritage in 2012.

Literally the word Ta’azyeh means “mourning”, and figuratively it refers to a kind of ritual and religious theatre based on religious events, historical and mythical stories, and Iranian folk tales, and there are four basic elements in it: poem, music, song and motion. Ta’azyeh is a type of theatre with many different characters, each of which having its own features, differences, colors, clothes, tools and requirements. It is performed in the form of symbols, conventions, codes and signs which are known by Iranian spectators, and on a stage which is placed in the centre without any lighting and decoration. The place where a Ta’azyeh is performed is called Tekyeh. Apart from some feel-good Ta’azyehs, the main subject of most of them is the conflict between “good” and “evil” and the source of Ta’azyeh scripts has often been the event of Karbala where the third Imam of Shiites, Imam Hussein, and his family were killed after a strong resistance in a battle between seventy two members of the “good” and twenty thousand members of the “evil” army in the Moharram month of the year 60 in the lunar Hegira calendar (a Muslim system of dividing the year of 354 days into 12 months and starting to count the years from the Hegira i.e. the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622). It is lunar because it is based on the movement of moon around the earth. This calendar is used in Arab countries. There is also a solar type of Hegira calendar based on the movement of earth around the sun which is officially used in Iran). Therefore, this theatre is performed in Moharram more than other months of the year in Tekyehs, streets, and in the garden of houses. Performing Ta’azyeh has a prominent role in the Iranian vulgar culture, literature and art. The concept and the performance style of Ta’azyeh leads to the maintenance of spiritual values, altruism and friendship. It motivates the religious emotions of the masses, purifies the soul, inspires the audience to ethics and a sense of resistance against oppression, and creates cooperation and sympathy among the performers and the spectators. Taazyieh preserves the old traditions, the national culture and the mythology of Iran, and plays a major role in preserving other types of art as well. Its effect on the audience is so great that many of the proverbs of ordinary people are taken from this type of theatre. Moreover, because of its flexibility, it has been able to adjust itself with different cultures of Iranian tribes; therefore, Ta’azyeh has become the common language of different tribes and has been prominent in creating “unity” among them and helping them communicate and share creativities. Ta’azyeh performers are divided into two main groups: agreeing performers (the Good forces) and disagreeing performers (the Evil forces). Agreeing characters wear green, white and blue costumes as a symbol of goodness and peace and sing Iranian folk songs. Disagreeing characters on the other hand wear red, orange and bright colors as a symbol of cruelty and brutality and speak aggressively in a declamatory style. Music is used in two forms: with songs and with musical instruments. Moeen-ol-boka, the director of Ta’azyeh, who has complete knowledge of music, poetry and all the techniques of Ta’azyeh, is actively present on the stage. Women are less involved in Taazyieh and the roles of women are also played by men drawing a veil over their faces. Each Ta’azyeh script has its own subject and requires its own special tools, costumes, conventions, symbols and music. Observing the rules of performance, the audience also cooperates in some scenes by chorusing the song or the poem. There are even some people who have taken vows of food (taking a vow to give food to people, especially poor people is very common in Iran) who serve the spectators during the play and fulfill their vows. Business people and official fraternities and small public groups called “religious groups”, the number of which reaches three thousand, attempt to perform Ta’azyeh in many areas and provide the tools and costumes, and also decorate the area where Ta’azyeh is going to be performed. In general, all the script writers, actors, spectators, and sponsors of this ritual play are from the people in the street who have different jobs during the year and perform this theatre only to reap otherworldly rewards. Taazyieh has also caused many skills to develop. For instance: calligraphy artists by writing Ta’azyeh scripts, musicians by holding classes of singing and playing instruments, painters by painting the events on large curtains, “curtain narrators” by narrating the stories painted on the curtains with a good voice for people, poets by composing new poems for the dirges in the intervals of Ta’azyeh, industrial workshops by making different tools and instruments used in Ta’azyeh, tailoring and handicraft workshops by making different costumes and masks and accessories for Ta’azyeh, cultural institutes by making films of Ta’azyeh and making them readily accessible to the public, documentarists by making documentaries about Ta’azyeh and preparing them to be shown on TV, each help develop a special skill through Ta’azyeh.

Iran 2010

Uzbek tales, legends and stories, like those of other peoples, are part of the oral folk art. The tale is based on traditional plot and refers to prose folklore. A legend is often about any historical events or personalities, and stories are genre of folklore non-fairytale prose, passed down from generation to generation and developing historical themes in its folk interpretation. Tale is one of the most ancient and mass genres of Uzbek oral folk art. Oral stories, which are constructed based on fantastic ideas and artistic fiction, and which bear didactic idea and purpose, are called "tale" (in Uzbek – "ertak"). While representing an example of intangible cultural heritage, tales reflect, to a certain degree, worldview, national character, lifestyle and thinking of the people. Important role in the emergence of tales occupy ancient myths, traditions, rituals and customs. Although in Uzbek folklore studies the term "ertak" is used to denote a tale, in various regions of Uzbekistan this genre is commonly known as "matal", "ushuq", "varsaqi" and "chopchak". Legend is a verbal story, which is transmitted from generation to generation and is mixed with magic, sorcery and dreams. It is one of the examples of intangible cultural heritage. Legend, being one of the most ancient genres of oral folk art of Uzbeks, narrates about events and occurrences, in which notions aimed at understanding and perceiving reality based on artistic storyline, are embodied. For this reason, in legend it is possible to find brief information about social life, people's worldviews, traditions and customs and historical events. Story is a narration, which is done verbally. In terms of origin and historical roots it is considered one of the examples of ancient folklore and as such represents an element of intangible cultural heritage. It is a work of small size without commonly established form, which describes certain historical occurrence (that took place in the past) or past event by means of artistic fiction.

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea In this performance, an exorcist disguised as an ox prays for a good harvest, good commercial business, and success for children. It is presumed that the performance started during the Joseon Period (1392 – 1910). This performance is preceded by Jeseokgeori (Ritual Song for the Deity Jeseok) that is said to control things relating to longevity, grains, clothes and fortune/misfortune. It used to be held in Giho and Haeseo, Hwanghae-do. The performance starts around sunset and continues until the daybreak of the following day. Six female exorcists play janggo (hourglass-shaped drum), jing (large gong), jeo (bamboo flute), and piri (flute). Eight fabric straps are hung from above indicating the path through which Eight Heavenly Maids will descend. At the bottom of the fabrics are placed eight tubs, where the fairies will take a bath. An exorcist disguised as Sambuljeseok (Three Heavenly Deities) in a white robe and a hat sings a song about how he arranged the foundation of Joseon as instructed by the Jade Emperor of Heaven. By this time, a cowman appears, leading a cow. The performance ends with a scene of the deity Jeseok taking a trip to Seocheon Seoyeokguk (ancient India), while patrolling officers engage in a round of dance. Buddhist deities appearing in the performance, including Sambuljeseok Buddha, are a unique sight that cannot be found in any other exorcism performances. Pyeongsan Sonoreumgut (Shamanic Ox Performance of Pyeongsan, Hwanghae-do) was able to be maintained thanks to Jang Bo-bae, an exorcist from Pyeongsan, who continued the performance after the country’s liberation. As an event strongly influenced by Buddhism, the performance also combines elements of entertainment and high artistic quality. It serves as an occasion to pray for the happiness of local people and to strengthen the ties among them.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea The Dano Festival held in Jain-myeon, Gyeongsan-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do is said to originate from a legend handed down in the village. During the Silla and Goryeo Periods, Japanese pirates frequently invaded coastal areas. A military general disguised himself as a woman and danced with his sister and clowns to entice the pirates, thereby winning a victory against the invaders. After his death, villagers built a shrine for him and held a sacrificial rite there on Dano (May 5 on the lunar calendar). During Gyeongsan Jain Danoje, villagers gather together in the square in the center of the market and hold a masquerade parade toward the tomb of the general. Standing right in the front is the bearer of a flag indicating the five directions, followed by one bearing a farm flag, and one carrying a tall (3m high) decorative crown. These are followed by dancing men, Higwangi (a character), a man disguised as a woman, military slaves, officers, cannon troops, gisaeng (female entertainers), troops, petty officials, a wide sun screen, the military commander, and the commander’s lieutenants. The paraders go around the tomb and return to the village square, while officiants hold a sacrificial rite at the tomb. The masquerade parade is a feature that distinguishes Gyeongsan Jain Danoje from other folk festivals. The dance movements are also unique. Lying at the heart of the festival is people’s deep-rooted respect for a person who protected their village. ※ Change in the name of the event (General Han Play → Gyeongsan Jain Danoje in March 2007)

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Referring to farmers’ music that has been handed down in Iksan (previously called “Iri”), Iri Nongak belongs to Honam Udo Nongak (Farmers’ Performance of the Eastern Jeolla-do). Nongak (farmers’ performance) has developed briskly in Saesil Village in Iksan. The village brought people who learned farmers’ music from experts in nearby areas like Gimje and Jeongeup and who trained a high-quality farmers’ music troupe as we see today. An Iri nongak troupe is composed of yonggi (dragon flag), nonggi (farmers’ flag), swaenap (conical wooden oboe), trumpet, samul four percussion instruments, i.e., two kkwaenggwari (small gongs), two jing (large gongs), two buk (drums), and four janggo (hourglass-shaped drums), beopgo (Buddhist drum), and japsaek referring to a group composed of yangban (nobleman), daeposu (drummer), jorijung (masked clown), changbu (male clown), gaksi (young girl), and mudong (dancing boys). Troupe members who are called chibae or gunchong wear black vest over white jacket, white trousers, and sangmo (hat with feathers or strings attached), with bands in three colors tied around the head. Kkwaenggwari (small gong)-based rhythms include those related to ilche, ichae, samchae, oemachijilgut, pungnyugut, ochaejilgut, jwajilgut, yangsando garak, hohogut, and obangjin garak. Pangut (entertainment-oriented performance) proceeds in the order of insagut, ochaejilgut, jwajilgut, pungnyugut, yangsando, ginmaedoji (joint performance of kkwaenggwari and janggo), sambangjingut, banguljingut, hohogut, dallachigi, short maedoji, jjakdeureum, ilgwang nori, gujeong nori (individual play), and gi sseulgi. There are diverse forms of bupo nori (hat dance) performed by sangsoe (leader of the farmers’ music troupe). Well-developed janggo rhythms and dances are mixed with the music. The performance also features sogochum (small drum dances) and jinpuri march. Many rhythms are relatively slow. The music makes colorful rhythms, each played to meticulously transformed tunes. Pungnyugut and deongdeokgungi-related rhythms showcase highly sophisticated techniques. Iri Nongak is a folk art performance that has been handed down along with the village history, playing an important role as an event that provides consolation in the hard life of farmers and helps villagers get along with each other well.

South Korea 2014

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea When holding juldarigi (tug-of-war) in Gijisi-ri, Songak-eup, Dangjin-si, Chungcheongnam-do, the village was divided into two teams, those living close to the shore and the others). It was said that the village would see a good year for the crop when the “close-to-the-shore” group won the contest. The play was performed after Dangje (village ritual) in early March of a leap year in the lunar calendar. There are two theories about the origin of the tug-of-war held in this village. One says that the village looks like a fairy weaving and the movement of pulling a cloth being woven at both sides led to the tug-of-war, the other tells us that the local topography resembles a centipede and so villagers engaged in the tug-of-war using a rope that also looked like a centipede. The straw rope used in the tug-of-war is 50 – 60m long. The diameter of the main section of the rope, which is made each year, comes to more than 1m and if you sat down on it, your legs would not touch the ground. Many thinner straw ropes are tied to the main section for people to tug. The leaders of the two teams would stand on the main section of the rope to give necessary signals while farmers’ music is played joyously to cheer on the participants. After the contest is over, people take away pieces cut off the rope, as it is said that the water heated with a rope piece is a cure for backache or infertility. The event is a rite held to pray for a good harvest and to build a spirit of collaboration among the villagers.

South Korea 2015

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Gangneung Nongak is a leading farmers’ music handed down in areas east of Taebaek Mountain Range in Gangwon-do. Also called nongsa puri (explanation of the farming process) music, the music is presumed to have been naturally made with the start of farming. A Gangneung Nongak troupe is composed of people carrying farming tools, swaenap (conical wooden oboe), kkwaenggwari (small gongs), jing (large gongs), buk (drums), janggo (hourglass-shaped drum), sogo (small drums), and beopgo (Buddhist drum), and mudong (dancing boys). Performers wear white jacket and trousers, with their bodies decorated with bands in three colors (red, blue, and yellow); dancing boys wear colorful clothes. Gangneung Nongak is performed on the following occasions: jisin bapgi (“earth spirit treading”); geollip nongak geollippae (fund-raising troupe)’s performance; gimmaegi nongak (performance for planting rice seedlings and weeding); jilmeokgi (party for farm laborers); geollipgut (geollippae’s shamanic performance); madanggut (courtyard ritual), etc. The foregoing events are also held in other regions, but the following are performed only in Gangneung with the accompaniment of Gangneung Nongak: dalmajigut (rite to the first full-moon), hwaetbul nori (torch play), notdari bapgi (one selected among a group of young women, who treads on their waists as they lie down), gimmaegi nongak, jilmeolki, and gil nori nongak (road performance). Gangneung Nongak plays an important role as an event that provides consolation in the hard life of farmers and helps villagers build friendship with each other.

South Korea 2014