The Kirgiz People has a long history. There were historical records about this ethnic group in the Western Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–23 A.D.). In the Tang Dynasty (618-907), Dudufu, or governor headquarters were set up on the upper reaches of the Yenisey River to administrate the Kirgizes’ inhabiting area (648). Throughout history, the Kirgizes withstood lots of hardship to move southwards from the upriver of Yenisey to the Tianshan Mountains and Pamir area in pursuit of an ideal community life amidst frequent tribal wars, which provided a deep cultural and historical basis for the evolution of the epic Manas. Manas is an epic verse sung and transmitted in oral forms. It is the general term for all different variations of the same theme in the Kirgiz community across Xinjiang. Manas is by tradition performed by one Manaschi without musical accompaniment, but in recent years there are also performances by more than one singer, or those accompanied by the traditional musical instrument of Komuz. Primary cultural spaces of this element include social gatherings, celebrations, life rituals, traditional festivals and special “Manas Concerts”. With a long-standing nomadic tradition, the Kirgiz people take the performance of Manas as their most important cultural expression for public entertainment, the remembrance of history, inheritance of culture, transmission of knowledge to younger generations and the prayer for fortune as well as guard against evil. Therefore, Manas is recognized as a key symbol of the cultural identity of the Kirgiz people, and the most important and integral part of the Kirghizian cultural heritage. Today, the Kirghizes are still proud of being the descendants of their hero Manas. The most important people for the transmission and development of Manas are Manachis who obtain their special knowledge through family inheritance or by learning from masters, and their skills are constantly improved during their entire career by constantly performing to the audiences. The most outstanding epic singer of our time, Dzüsüp Mamay is an epitome of Manachis, whose repertoire of Manas altogether covers eight cantos, namely, Manas, Semetey, Seytek, Kenenim, Seyit, Asilbacha-Bekbacha, Sombilek and Chigitey, 236,000 lines in total. The entire storytelling draws a genealogical account of the legendary achievements of the ancient hero Manas and his seven generations of descendants, recording all the major historic events of great impact for the Kirgiz people. It also gives vivid descriptions of the traditional belief, ethics and morality, mode of production and life of the Kirgiz people. Up to date, over 80 different variations of Manas have been found, which vary from one canto to several cantos, from a few thousand to tens of thousands of lines, all featured with rich and pithy lyrics, beautiful melodies, lively parables and many expressions and phrases that integrated into the Kirgiz everyday language. The melody is in seven scales and verses in parallels. In real performance, different singers usually adopt different registers and melodies according to the story, scenario and characters, and often make improvisations in lyrics, descriptions, music modes and gestures, so that traditional skills and individual creativity are combined to make this traditional epic full of vitality. As one of the three major epics of China, Manas is the outstanding creation and oral encyclopedia of the Kirgiz people and still remains the inexhaustible fountainhead to nurture their cultural psychology, ethnic character, creative capacity and artistic skills.

China 2009

Nanyin is one of the oldest music genres in China. It lasts for thousands of years and prevails in Minnan area (including Quanzhou, Xiamen and Zhangzhou, with Quanzhou as its center). Between 4 AD and 13 AD, the musical culture of central China went down to the south. It continuously integrated with the local arts and finally gave birth to the nanyin. The playing modes of nanyin are related with many forms of music and instruments, such as Xianghege (literally “Song of Harmony”) and Qingshangyue (a music genre) popular in the Han and Jin dynasties (B.C. 206-420 A.D.), and Yanyue (a kind of court banquet music) and Daqu (a grand piece) popular in the Tang Dynasty (618 -907). The singing of nanyin follows the Quanzhou dialect since it came out. The musical instruments adopted and only found in nanyin mainly include dongxiao, an end-blown bamboo flute originated from the Wei and Jin Dynasties (220 AD-420 AD) (found in the murals found in No. 6 tomb in Jiayu Pass) and pipa, a kind of crooked-necked and horizontally played instrument widely used in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) (found in the murals at Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang). Nanyin also adopts some hand percussion instruments described in Yueshu (Book of Music) by Cheng Yang (1068-1128) of the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127), including clappers (made of five pieces of litchi wood), erxian (a two-stringed plucked instrument), sanxian (a three-stringed plucked instrument), siguan (a kind of pipe), xiangzhan (a kind of small bronze horizontal gong), xiaojiao (a kind of small bronze percussion instrument), sibao (a kind of bamboo clappers), shuangling (double-bell) and biangu (a kind of flat drum). The sculpture of apsarases playing musical instructions in Daxiong Hall and Jietan (the place for monastic vows) of the Kaiyuan Temple reflects the musical culture in the Tang Dynasty. The musical instruments in the sculpture can be found today in the performances of nanyin. The most popular combination of the musical instruments includes pipa, dongxiao, erxian, sanxian and clappers currently. The sounds played by the combination coincide with each other in different orders and give forth the peasant and lingering melodies. The melodies contain fixed alternation system on basis of seven tones in the diatonic scale. The singing and the musical performance in nanyin are very difficult. Both the music and the sound must “be steady, flow smoothly at starting, be deeply moving in the middle and sound strong and round at the end”. The musical notation in nanyin is the inheritance of Chinese ancient musical notation. It uses five Chinese characters of “乂, 工, 六, 思, 一” to represent five musical notes. The signs of pipa zhigupu (music notation) and time-beating are attached beside the characters, including the concerned diction in midst. From the Three Special Melodic Phenomenon in the Instrumental Music of Nanyin published 420 years ago (one special melodic phenomenon is kept in the Cambridge University Library in Britain, and the other two are kept in Sachsen-based state library in Germany) to the various folk manuscripts, it shows that nanyin had widely adopted the accurate musical notation. Nanyin consists of three components, namely, pu (qiyuequ, refers to suites of instrumental music that carry no texts), zhi (taoqu, a kind of suites with lyrics, notation and pipa’s fingering), and qu (sanqu or qingchang, refers to “qu singing”). Nanyin involves legends in different generations, social customs and public feelings, and is very instructive. Among the more than 3,000 existing pieces of works, Qu accounts for 90%. It also contains many famous poems of the Tang and Five dynasties (907-960), including In Memory of A Maiden of Qin (The flute plays) by Li Bai, An Epigraph in Praise of My Humble Home by Liu Yuxi, Sheng Cha Zi (The crescent moon) by Niu Xiji, and Waves Sifting Sand (The rain gurgle outside the curtains) by Li Yu. Some lost plays of nanxi (southern opera) in the Song and Yuan dynasties (1127-1368) such as the Wang Huan, a masterpiece, can be found in nanyin. They are the precious heritages in the history of ancient Chinese musical culture. Nanyin is a common hobby and an important component of life for people in Minnan (south of Fujian). Nanyin is shown in various places such as courtyards, teahouses, squares, stages, halls and chambers, and different occasions including weddings, funerals and festivals by multi-means. As Nanyin is a common hobby and an important component of life for people in Minnan (south of Fujian). Nanyin is shown in various places such as courtyards, teahouses, squares, stages, halls and chambers, and different occasions including weddings, funerals and festivals by multi-means. As Minnan people moved to other areas, nanyin was also brought to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macao and the Southeast Asia. Wherever there are people from Minnan, there would have nanyin performance. Nanyin is the sound of hometown and motherland in the mind of Minnan people. Nanyin has become indispensable to the people's cultural life. An integral cultural event is composed of the sacrificial activities in spring and autumn, the ceremony for worshiping god of music (Meng Chang, 919-965), the master-disciple ceremony, the mutual visiting ceremony, social events and the nanyin performance. Nanyin is passed down and recreated by the local people in the long history of development. Various operas including puppet shows and Gaojia opera borrow ideas from nanyin. Nanyin lays a firm foundation for the growth of local opera music. Learning the musical and performance elements from local operas, nanyin greatly enriches the expressive force. By the innovation of integrating old tunes and new texts, nanyin advances with the times and meets the needs of environment and history.

China 2009

Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

The Art of Bài Chòi is a type of folk art and folk game typical of Central Vietnam, which later developed into a type of opera. Art of Bài Chòi is a form of calling - singing - playing art of Bài Chòi at huts held in spring and some traditional festivals. The person calling/singing for art of Bài Chòi is a male and female couple called Hiệu at the main hut. Players at the huts buy cards, start playing when Hiệu shakes the cards and picks up cards, calls/sings to introduce the cards (each card is a call) with Bài Chòi tunes with lyrics of poems, rhymes, folk songs, narratives about daily activities... and reads the names of the cards for everyone to know. The game ends when the player has 3 cards that match Hiệu's call. Anyone can play art of Bài Chòi , each game has from one to two players or more. The art of Bài Chòi is conveyed in a simple and natural way, creating attraction for the public, becoming an essential and popular cultural activity throughout the Central region.

Viet Nam 2017

Sacred texts representing the spirit, philosophy and teachings of the Buddha are chanted by the monks (Lamas) in the monasteries and villages of the Ladakh region. Buddhism in Ladakh has two sects: Mahayana - that follows the Sutra (treatise) tradition, based on the teachings of Budhha delivered in the form of public discourse; and Vajrayana - that follows a highly esoteric tradition based on the principles espoused by the Tantra practices. There are four major sects of Buddhism in Ladakh namely Nyngma, Kagyud, Shakya and Geluk. Each of these sects has several forms of chanting practised on diverse occasions as annual festivals; agrarian, life cycle healing rituals; for general well being, and to attain Buddhahood. Vajrayana Buddhism stresses the visualisation and recitation of Mantra through the practice of chanting. The chanting of Mantras is an integral part of Buddhist life in Ladakh. Buddhist Chanting is primarily practised in a group, by the monks. It is practised everyday in the monastic assembly hall as a prayer to the deities for world peace, and for personal growth of the practitioner. The villagers also patronise this tradition; they invite the monks to their homes for chanting on various occasions, such as family functions and important days in the agrarian calendar. In fact, on any given day, sounds of chanting can be heard in the villages all over Ladakh. It is a part of Ladakh’s daily life and cultural heritage. Monasteries work as the repository of knowledge and tradition, and as a channel for continuation and preservation of chanting. Buddhist chanting is highly evolved and stylised. The young monks are trained under strict and rigorous supervision of senior monks. Chanting texts are recited frequently till they are committed to memory. Thus chanting as a tradition is passed on from generation to generation as an oral practice and knowledge. The senior monks train young acolytes in the correct use of hand gestures ('mudra') that is an integral part of most chanting traditions. Bells, hand drums, flutes and the trumpets are usually used as accompaniments during chanting. They lend musicality and rhythm to the chanting. The four sects of Vajrayana Buddhism have their own different styles of chanting. Chanting styles can vary from one monastery to another, even if they belong to the same sect. In some sects, chanting is also accompanied with dance ('cham'), which is practised in the monastic courtyard. The Cham chantings of Hemis and Phyang, though they belong to the same sect of Kargyudpa, have entirely different chanting styles. The seven forms of chanting included in the dossier represent the diversity of the tradition practised in the Ladakh region. 1. Shargangrima - It is one of the most popular chanting of Gelukpa Sect. This is a eulogy recited by the Lamas as well as by the lay people in honour of Je Tzongkhapa who founded the Gelukpa sect in the 14th and 15th century. In Sargangrima, the chanters address Je Tzongkhapa as the second Budhha and celebrate him as the Son of the eastern province. 2. Nashthan Phyagzod -This chant uses musical instruments and 'mudras' (hand gestures) during chanting. It is a prayer for the 16 disciples or Arhats of the Budhha. Nashthan Phyagzod is chanted by the Lamas for all sects. The Arhats are the direct successors of the Buddha, the bearers of His teachings. The chant is a prayer to the Arhats to stay eternally on the earth for the sake of Dharma. At the end of each stanza, the chanters play drums, blow on a long flute and beat cymbals, providing a musical rhythm to the chanting. The monks symbolically offer music, dance, incense, flowers, lamps and food through 'mudras.' 3. Kunrig – This chant stresses on the internal visualisations by monks through repetitive chanting and 'mudras.' 4. Rigmachutuk – This chanting is performed by monks who dance in the courtyard of the monastery, wearing copper masks, silk robes and special shoes. It is based on two tantric texts. Rigmachutuk are the 16 fairy maidens or 'dakinis' who escort the titular Guru Padmasambhava in his Dharma missions. It is also performed during the funeral procession of senior monks. 5. Guru Mantra - This Mantra is recited by all followers of Mahayana tradition in Ladakh. This text is seen engraved on stones and metals and inscribed in flags and clothes all over this region. It is believed that this Mantra purifies the human beings of their sins. 6. Chod - It is a secret practice that is usually performed in the cemeteries. Chod requires great concentration and high meditative qualities. In this, the performer visualises that his consciousness has separated from his body, and has transformed into a deity. 7. Guhyasamaj Tantra – This chanting includes 'mudras' through which the monks emulate different missions of the Buddha. These chanting rites are performed all over Ladakh in various monasteries and villages. The nomination contains audio-visual documentation of performances conducted in strict adherence to scriptural guidelines, and under the guidance by the chief Lamas in the following monasteries. Thiksay Monastery Spituk Monastery Matho Monastery Hemis Monastery Phyang Monastery

India 2012

Jakar Tshechu is a recent introduction, as noted above. It was established in 1994 on the 4th day of the sixth lunar month through the initiative of Dzongdag Dasho Pema Dorje and Thrimpon Dasho Sangay Rinzin. In the beginning, the mask dances were performed by Trongsa Rabdey as the dzong had no permanent monks. The duration of the tshechu was initially only one day long. Later, during the time of Dzongdag Nyima Tshering, it was extended to four days, running through the 8th to 11th days of the ninth lunar month. Given their prominence and importance, usually the annual district tshechu are sponsored and coordinated by the respective District administrations. Similarly, Jakar Tshechu is organized by the Bumthang District Administration in collaboration with the Jakar Rabdey. While at many festivals the local residents provide contributions, at Jakar Tshechu all the expenses are borne by the District Administration rather than by the locals. As the sponsor, the District Administration documents all expenditures for the duration of the tshechu, which includes meals for all participants, mask dancers and folk dancers, as well as their wages. Preparations for the festival are intense and involve significant manpower, financial resources and planning. Preparations begin well in advance, with the lam and dratshang overseeing the preparations for rituals and practice sessions for the mask dances. The dzongkhag takes on administrative responsibilities and plans the budget. A week before the festival, the dzongkhag staff prepare the performance area in the dzong courtyard. The district administration selects around thirty-two mask dancers, between ages of eighteen and forty-two, from the four gewogs. In addition, a troupe of approximately eleven folk dancers is chosen from each gewog to perform in between the mask dances. The troupes rotate each year, with each group performing every four years. The folk dancers and the mask dancers begin practicing about a month before the tshechu. On the 7th day of the ninth lunar month, dancers hold a rehearsal session, which is called chamjug. These rehearsals are held in the courtyard of the dzong where the festival takes place and include the use of musical instruments, such as trumpets and clarinets. The practice continues for much of the day, from around 8:30 a.m. until around 3 p.m. The two chief mask dancers, one from the monastic community and the other from the District Administration, oversee the practice to ensure that everything is perfect. During rehearsal, the dancers don’t wear the costumes or masks and only the main mask dances are rehearsed. a. Day One: (8th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The main event begins on the 8th day of the ninth lunar month, when the monks get up around 1:30 a.m. to perform the Lama Gongdue ritual. Before dawn, the ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast and preparation for the mask dance performances. Around 8 a.m., the dzongkhag staff gathers at the dzong to receive dzongda and drangpon and then they all wait to receive lam. Then the lam accompanied by Dzongkhag Administration officials including dzongdag and drangpon, move in a chibdrel procession to the zigrekhang (spectators’ pavilion) to witness tshechu proceedings. The mask dance performances begin by 8:30 a.m. In 2015, the mask dances were performed in the following order: - Shinje Yab-yum Cham (Yamantaka Father and Mother Dance); - Yoeluema Cham (Dance of the Malevolent Spirit); - Peling Ging Sum (Dance of the Three Gings): Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance) and Nga Ging Cham (Drum Dance); - Kel Cham (Farewell Dance); - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Noblemen and the Charming Ladies); - Shawo Gangley Phap (the first episode of chasing the stag down the mountain). At the conclusion of the mask dances, the lam and the monks resume the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang from where they left off in morning. b. Day Two: (9th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning’s programme on the 9th day of the ninth lunar month is same as the day prior. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast, and then the day’s mask dances begin around 8:30 a.m. as follows: - Zhana Cham (Black Hat Dance); - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Drum Dance); - Dramitse Nga Cham (Dance of the Drums from Dramitse); - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Ging Tsholing Cham (dance of the wrathful deities and the ging); - Shawa Shakhyi Thaley Tonpa (the second episode driving the stag out of low-lying jungles). As on the previous day, after mask dances, the monks and the lam resume conducting the ritual prayers in the lhakhang, starting from the tshog lhagma intermission and conclude the day’s programme. c. Day Three: (10th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning programme is same as days one and two. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast before the day’s mask dances begin. The day focuses on the judgment of the dead and depicts the consequences of karma on the afterlife, and people receive blessings from the Lord of Death. The mask dances are performed as follows: - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Tum-ngam Cham (Dance of the Terrifying Deities); - Shazam Cham (dance of the four stags); - Raksha Go Cham (Ox-headed Dance); - Raksha Mang Cham (Intermediate State Dance). As on the previous days, the Lam Neten and monks resume the ritual prayers from the tshog lhagma to conclude the day’s events. d. Day Four: (11th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): Thongdrol (giant tapestry) and Tenwang (blessing by sacred relics): The 11th day of the ninth lunar month is the last day of the tshechu, during which the thongdrol is unfurled and artefacts are displayed to the public, an act called tenwang. People gather in the dzong as early as 3 a.m. The main statue displayed for public blessing is a small statue of Yidam Thongwa Kundrol that Terton Pema Lingpa is said to have withdrawn from Mebartsho (the Burning Lake). The thongdrol was made in 2005 and shows Guru Tshengyed, the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche. In front of the hanging thongdrol, mask dances – specifically Pacham, Dram-nyen Choeje, and Zhengzhi Pemi Cham – are performed to pay homage to Guru Rinpoche. The day’s mask dance programme is presented in following order: - Unfurling of Guru Tshengyed Thongdrol; - Zhengzhi Pemi Cham (Dance offering with recitation of prayers to Guru Rinpoche); - Bekor Cham (Ceremonial Dance of the Monks); - Pa Cham (Dance of Heroes); - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche); - Rigma Chudrug (Dance of the Sixteen Wisdom Consorts); - Acho dang Phento (the story of the conversion of the hunter); - Atsara gi Lochoe (Atsara’s ritual) to mark the conclusion of tshechu. As on prior days, the events finish with the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang, though with additional rituals particular to the last day. Specifically, a torshag (cascading the ritualcakes) ritual followed by ngoedrub langwang (receive blessings) and trashi monlam (auspicious prayers), during which all participants gather and to offer collective dedications and auspicious prayers.

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jultagi, or tightrope walking, is a traditional Korean performing art. Tightrope walking refers to the art of not only walking, but singing, dancing or performing acrobatics, while narrating funny stories, on a single thin rope suspended between two points. Tightrope walking, however, is not a one-man show. The rope walker, called jul gwangdae, obviously is the centre of attention but he needs other artists collaborating on the ground, such as the musicians to accompany his acrobatic feats and funny narratives, and a clown to retort to his remarks or answer questions as a dialogue companion. Today, tightrope walking performers are frequently invited to local festivals that take place throughout the country particularly in spring and autumn. It is a good way to get people excited and laughing in festivals. Since almost all the local festivals host tightrope walking performance, it became one of the traditional performing arts the general public can readily access and feel familiar with. As a full-scale show lasts the whole afternoon, it has to be carefully organized with acrobatics, narratives and music to maintain the audience’s interest and stifle yawns. The tightrope walker starts with simpler feats, gradually moving to more difficult acrobatics such as bouncing up and down from the rope, tumbling and somersaulting, and sitting on the rope with his legs crossed. He displays some 40 different rope techniques. Between his feats he cracks jokes and sings songs while the audience catches its breath from the nail-biting manoeuvres. Tightrope walking, in this regard, is not a simple presentation of rope techniques but an age-old form of integrated performing arts and entertainment. The Korean traditional tightrope walking is distinguished from similar arts of other countries in that it is not all about demonstrating a series of rope techniques but proceeds with dialogue between the rope walker and the clown, who constantly interact with the audience. In other words, the Korean tightrope show is not a unilateral presentation of fun and thrill but two-way communication between the performers and spectators, where the participants can adjust the routine to the atmosphere of the show. The show is for the enjoyment of both the performers and spectators. And this is what makes Korean tightrope walking unique and significant.

South Korea 2011

Daimokutate is a performing art where young people read aloud in turn the lines for each character in a tale without background music. The repertoire of Daimokutate performed for the past one hundred years consists of two tales about the feud between the Genji and Heike clans which actually happened in Japan in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. These stories have eight and ten characters. Recently Daimokutate with fewer characters are often performed. The stage is installed outside the main hall of the Yahashira Shrine in the community; a wooden board of 1.8 meter squares with a straw-made mat on it is placed within an area of approximately 3.6 meters wide and 4.5 meters deep delineated with bamboo fences of approximately 1 meter in height. After seven o’clock in the evening, an old man guides to the stage young men singing in a line, wearing samurai clothes, and holding bows in their hands. They stand on the stage, leaving space between them, and face the centre with their backs toward the fence. When the old man calls the name of a character in a tale, the young man taking that role reads aloud a long script with a distinctive accent and intonation. No specific acting can be seen. Calling on the young men one by one, approximately twenty-six scripts are read aloud in turns. Then, one young man advances to the centre and rhythmically stamps his feet. Finally all say together the celebratory remarks, and they are guided again off the stage by the old man while singing in a line. It takes approximately one hour in total. Daimokutate is a performing art carried out by a person who takes the role of a specific character and simply reads aloud with almost no acting. Currently in Japan there are no performing arts similar to this. This performing art is important in that it reminds us of the image of performing arts existing in Japan from the twelfth to around the seventeenth centuries Daimokutate has been transmitted and performed for the public as part of the distinctive local culture by the people in the community for many years. Japan has no performing art similar to this. The more its value is recognized in the history of Japanese performing arts, the more fully the people of that community understand it as part of their own valuable culture. Designated by the Government in 1976 as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, it is widely recognized as an element of important cultural heritage reflecting the shifts in the Japanese daily life style. From the seventeenth to the late nineteenth centuries, Daimokutate was transmitted by the twenty-two families in the Kami-fukawa community. The twenty-two families recognized the Yahashira Shrine as their guardian and constituted a community. The eldest son recognized as the heir of each family performed Daimokutate on the eve of the festivals of the Yahashira Shrine at the age of seventeen. Performing Daimokutate is a sign of formal admission to the community of the twenty-two families. Since the twentieth century, in addition to the twenty-two families, people who worship the Yahashira Shrine have also participated in the transmission and the public performance of Daimokutate. If there is no young man exactly seventeen years of age in the community, these days a senior young man assumes the role instead. Daimokutate constitutes of a long script with a kind of melody. Roles in the tale are assigned to young men in August, two months before the public performance, so that they can completely memorize their respective scripts; they practice under the instructions of former performers every Sunday. Every night from October 8th to 10th, they gather and practice intensively. On the morning of the performance day, they make the stage and prepare for the actual performance before the public at night. The community of Kami-fukawa which has transmitted Daimokutate is located deep in the mountains, and life was severe. Stronger solidarity and more mutual cooperation were required of this community than of other communities. Thus, Daimokutate is recognized to be indispensable for the local solidarity, and hence it has been transmitted from generation to generation to the present day, and performed every year. Members of the transmitting group and their local community recognize Daimokutate as part of their own excellent, distinctive culture, and take pride in it in relation to other groups and communities. Participation in the performance of Daimokutate once meant approval of admission to the community. Even today the transmission and the performance of Daimokutate allow the group and community to reconfirm their own identity, and reinforce their continuity. Daimokutate is a performing art transmitted down to today by ordinary Japanese for many years, and still performed, reflecting the Japanese sense of performing arts. The Japanese concept of confirmation of a community can be found in the background of the transmission and the performance of Daimokutate. Daimokutate mentioned above has a significant meaning in today’s Japan from a social and cultural viewpoint. The bearers continue their efforts to ensure that this inheritance from their ancestors is transmitted to the future.

Japan 2009

Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.

China 2010

Tshechu literally means the “Tenth Day”. Tshechu festivals are normally dedicated to Guru Padmasambhava and held on or close to the 10th day of a lunar month, as Guru Rinpoche had said that he would be present on this occasion for the benefit of sentient beings. Such festivals, dedicated to Guru Rinpoche, are held annually in dzongs and monasteries across Bhutan. Tshechu festival has many names given different communities though it carries the same meaning and significances. some of the terms are; Rabney, Chodpa, Me-wang, Mani, Duechod, Nyarub, etc.. People come from far and near, dressed in their finest attire, to witness the three-day event. The monks perform rituals in the temples and enact didactic mask dances for the benefit of the public. Folk dances are interspersed between the mask dances to entertain the devotees, but actually, they are really the offerings of songs to the Bodhisattvas, dakas and dakinis. On these days, family members meet together not only to enjoy sumptuous lunches but also to educate each other on the moral significance of the dances and dramas enacted by the mask dancers. This is one way of learning about the sufferings undergone in samsara as well as during the intermediate stage of existence after death and helps guide one’s thoughts, speeches and actions along the right path while still in the land of the living. The festival ends with the display of a thongdroe (meaning ‘liberation by sight’), a huge silk appliqué thangka on which the images of sublime beings are depicted, for the benefit of all sentient beings. Tshechu was introduced in Bhutan by 4th Druk Desi Tenzin Rabgey (1638–1696), who in 1688 had sent one of his attendants to witness festivals in Tibet. The first tshechus were held at Trashi Choedzong, Thimpu in 1690 and at Rinpung Dzong, Paro in 1692. Similar events were then instituted at other dzongs and monasteries.

The Telling Tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/Molla Nesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/Nasriddin Afandi Anecdotes is an intangible cultural heritage element on social practices and festivals related to the tradition of telling anecdotes. It is transmitted orally among generations and is shaped around Nasreddin who became a symbol of humor and wisdom. Although there are slight differences about images, names and anecdotes of Nasreddin in communities, the main features of the element have been shared as a common heritage in the Submitting States. Communities acknowledge that he was a wise person who analyzed the society well and gathered shared intelligence, thought and life experience of people in his own personality. The anecdotes of him are short and intensive narrations transmitted through oral tradition and written sources, attributed to Nasreddin whose reputation spread to the wide geographical area. Some of the anecdotes have become classic, and the epigrams of these anecdotes have turned into idioms and proverbs in time. His anecdotes are intensely practiced in the printed and visual media as well as in the oral tradition and especially in the programs prepared for children. In the anecdotes of Nasreddin, the components of wisdom, repartee, witticism, common sense, absurdity and surprise merged firm and these are distinguishing features of the anecdotes. Nasreddin breaks very often accepted norms and concepts, while finding an extraordinary way out of the situation, where he is always the winner, by the power of word. Anecdotes call for humor, satire, sarcasm, and cynicism, to reveal the negative traits of people. However, the anecdotes is a genre with an instructive, entertaining function, a profound meaning that ends with moral, intellectual, and logical results. His anecdotes include relations of different people and their behaviors in various situations. Through his anecdotes, all kinds of unpleasant behaviors are being criticized and judged through humor. Communities in the Submitting States enrich conversations with his anecdotes and support speeches with his witticism. His anecdotes are narrated easily by everyone to strengthen any thought by giving examples in the dailylife, to convince other people or to explain a situation. In some Submitting States, although there is no specific narrator or teller of these anecdotes, the artists of traditional theatre use the element to enrich their narratives and to entertain people. On the other hand, there are specific tellers of the anecdotes in some Submitting States (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan). The anecdote tellers select words and perform with great care. In this sense, it mostly depends on knowledge, understanding, thinking, performance culture and skill of the performer to tell anecdotes in meaningful, impressive and funny way. It is important for performer to know various life situations, possess an impressive culture of speech, and make use effectively and skillfully his face, eye, hand, and body movements. In Submitting States, local administrations, municipalities, universities and NGOs which play significant roles in transmission of the element, organize various activities and festivals periodically for commemoration of Nasreddin at local, national and international levels. Public participation in these festivals and activities is considerably high.

Azerbaijan,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009