The term Lha means God and Soel means Offering or prayer. The tradition is considered a Bon tradition because the ritual involves only Bon practices. \nAccording to Sam Van Schaik, the Bon tradition, also referred to as the Bonpo religion, probably originated in the eleventh century, as there is no evidence of systematic religion in Tibetan before the arrival of Buddhism, and it was in the eleventh century that the Bon tradition formulated its scriptures, mainly from Termas (hidden treasures) and visions of Tertons (treasure discoverers) such as Loden Nyingpo. Although the Bon Terma contain myths that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school or religious order within Tibetan Buddhism.\n\nBon flourished in Tibet before Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon became less popular. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition was not strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan.\n\nThe Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag (district), such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lhab-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo (male shaman) and Neljorm/Pamo (female shaman) of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of each year prepares the Lhasoel rituals. The tents are pitched near the organizer's house. The Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days.\n\nThe Bon tradition is based entirely on the belief that the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and therefore they take refuge and offer animals as sacrifices.\n\nIn an interview with 68-year-old shaman Aum (elderly woman) Kencho Om from Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag, who has been a Pamo for 25 years, it is said that the Pamos are identical to the Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals.\n\nIt is believed that Pamo continuously persists through the family line. When the practitioner mother dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity or god to choose the legitimate wife among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but they have somehow learned all the chanting that has been transmitted to them through their heredity. \n\nAccording to her, Pamo plays an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life (which normal people cannot do, such as mediate through the mind). The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of energy channels (Tsa), the wind channel (Lung), and the seed channel (Thig-le) in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness in people. \n\nThe Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

The Darangen is an ancient epic song that encompasses a wealth of knowledge of the Maranao people who live in the Lake Lanao region of Mindanao. This southernmost island of the Philippine archipelago is the traditional homeland of the Maranao, one of the country’s three main Muslim groups.\nComprising 17 cycles and a total of 72,000 lines, the Darangen celebrates episodes from Maranao history and the tribulations of mythical heroes. In addition to having a compelling narrative content, the epic explores the underlying themes of life and death, courtship, love and politics through symbol, metaphor, irony and satire. The Darangen also encodes customary law, standards of social and ethical behaviour, notions of aesthetic beauty, and social values specific to the Maranao. To this day, elders refer to this time-honoured text in the administration of customary law.\nMeaning literally “to narrate in song”, the Darangen existed before the Islamization of the Philippines in the fourteenth century and is part of a wider epic culture connected to early Sanskrit traditions extending through most of Mindanao.\nSpecialized female and male performers sing the Darangen during wedding celebrations that typically last several nights. Performers must possess a prodigious memory, improvisational skills, poetic imagination, knowledge of customary law and genealogy, a flawless and elegant vocal technique, and the ability to engage an audience during long hours of performance. Music and dance sometimes accompany the chanting.

The Darangen is an ancient epic song that encompasses a wealth of knowledge of the Maranao people who live in the Lake Lanao region of Mindanao. This southernmost island of the Philippine archipelago is the traditional homeland of the Maranao, one of the country’s three main Muslim groups.\nComprising 17 cycles and a total of 72,000 lines, the Darangen celebrates episodes from Maranao history and the tribulations of mythical heroes. In addition to having a compelling narrative content, the epic explores the underlying themes of life and death, courtship, love and politics through symbol, metaphor, irony and satire. The Darangen also encodes customary law, standards of social and ethical behaviour, notions of aesthetic beauty, and social values specific to the Maranao. To this day, elders refer to this time-honoured text in the administration of customary law.\nMeaning literally “to narrate in song”, the Darangen existed before the Islamization of the Philippines in the fourteenth century and is part of a wider epic culture connected to early Sanskrit traditions extending through most of Mindanao.\nSpecialized female and male performers sing the Darangen during wedding celebrations that typically last several nights. Performers must possess a prodigious memory, improvisational skills, poetic imagination, knowledge of customary law and genealogy, a flawless and elegant vocal technique, and the ability to engage an audience during long hours of performance. Music and dance sometimes accompany the chanting.

"Katta ashula is a vocal direction, a song genre typical for the Ferghana Valley, in which peculiar style and manner of singing is observed. It is performed by two or more singers in turns and without accompaniment of musical instruments. Katta Ashula is characterized by laconism (in means of expression), expressiveness (in music language), dynamism (in melodic development) and bright emotionality. Its figurative structure (or style) is closely connected to the traditional (classical) poetry of lyrical and philosophical nature. And ghazals of Navoi, Lutfi, Mashrab, Khazini, Muqimi, Furqat, Zavqi, Miskin serve as main poetic texts in this genre. Though, since the XX century the poems of contemporary Uzbek poets (such as Sobir Abdulla, Charkhi, Chusti, Akmal Polat, Khabibi, and others) as well as examples of folk poetry have been widely used. In terms of subject matter katta ashula songs can be divided into love-lyrical, didactic, religious and contemporary ones. The origins of katta ashula genre should be looked for in ancient folk-ritual chants, songs of ""praise"" (such as marsiya, navkha, ayolgu), agriculture- and labor-related songs with their original combination of recitative-declamatory beginning and chanting; and in distiches of ghazals (ghazalkhonlik), written in aruz prosody. Performance with high-pitched voice, existence of culmination parts, clarity of words for and their impact to the listeners – all these are features of this type of song. Katta ashula has several genres, such as “Yovvoi maqom” (“Yovvoi Ushshoq”, “Yovvoi Chorgoh”),""Yovvoyi asula"" (""Yovvoyi Tanovar"", ""Yovvoyi Munojat""), ""Yakkahonlik"" (""Ohkim, gulzorim qani topmadim"").\nNotably, the emergence and development of Katta ashula genre is closely linked with existence of corresponding performance schools, which stand out with their style of interpretation, manner of singing and bearers. From among katta ashula performance schools it is possible to mention Qoqand, Margilan, Andijan, Namangan and Tashkent performance schools.\n"\n

Katta ashula is a vocal direction, a song genre typical for the Ferghana Valley, in which peculiar style and manner of singing is observed. It is performed by two or more singers in turns and without accompaniment of musical instruments. Katta Ashula is characterized by laconism (in means of expression), expressiveness (in music language), dynamism (in melodic development) and bright emotionality. Its figurative structure (or style) is closely connected to the traditional (classical) poetry of lyrical and philosophical nature. And ghazals of Navoi, Lutfi, Mashrab, Khazini, Muqimi, Furqat, Zavqi, Miskin serve as main poetic texts in this genre. Though, since the XX century the poems of contemporary Uzbek poets (such as Sobir Abdulla, Charkhi, Chusti, Akmal Polat, Khabibi, and others) as well as examples of folk poetry have been widely used. In terms of subject matter katta ashula songs can be divided into love-lyrical, didactic, religious and contemporary ones. The origins of katta ashula genre should be looked for in ancient folk-ritual chants, songs of "praise" (such as marsiya, navkha, ayolgu), agriculture- and labor-related songs with their original combination of recitative-declamatory beginning and chanting; and in distiches of ghazals (ghazalkhonlik), written in aruz prosody. Performance with high-pitched voice, existence of culmination parts, clarity of words for and their impact to the listeners – all these are features of this type of song. Katta ashula has several genres, such as “Yovvoi maqom” (“Yovvoi Ushshoq”, “Yovvoi Chorgoh”),"Yovvoyi asula" ("Yovvoyi Tanovar", "Yovvoyi Munojat"), "Yakkahonlik" ("Ohkim, gulzorim qani topmadim").\nNotably, the emergence and development of Katta ashula genre is closely linked with existence of corresponding performance schools, which stand out with their style of interpretation, manner of singing and bearers. From among katta ashula performance schools it is possible to mention Qoqand, Margilan, Andijan, Namangan and Tashkent performance schools.

Performed with grace, dignity, and deep cultural symbolism, Tebe-Lilin is a traditional dance that brings together members of a community in shared celebration, remembrance, and expression. It is practiced in several regions of Timor-Leste and is especially known for its emphasis on unity and peaceful co-existence.\n\nThe word “tebe” refers to a communal line or circle dance, while “lilin” translates as candle or light. Together, the name evokes the image of people dancing around a source of light—both literal and symbolic—illuminating shared values such as harmony, hope, and continuity. Historically, dancers would carry actual candles or use candlenuts wrapped in cotton, creating a flickering trail of light as they moved through the night.\n\nTebe-Lilin* is performed by groups of men and women—young and old—who link arms or shoulders and form lines or circles. They move rhythmically in unison, stepping to the beat of babadok drums and chanting in call-and-response style. The songs are often poetic and metaphorical, expressing themes of love, sorrow, longing, and reconciliation. Each verse is rich with meaning, serving not just as entertainment but as oral literature passed from generation to generation.\n\nThe dance is deeply woven into ceremonial life. It features prominently during sau-batar (corn harvest celebrations), barlake (marriage exchanges), community healing rituals, and memorial events. In each setting, Tebe-Lilin helps strengthen the spiritual and emotional ties among participants. Its circular form is believed to create balance and connection, while the singing creates a space for open emotional expression—an opportunity to share joys and wounds alike.\n\nIn some versions of the dance, the use of light is entirely symbolic. The “candle” represents the enduring spirit of the ancestors, the resilience of the community, or the moral light that guides people through challenges. The act of dancing around it becomes a ritual of reaffirmation—a moment when the community collectively reflects on its path forward while honoring its roots.\n\nThough Tebe-Lilin remains alive in certain communities, it faces challenges. Younger generations are increasingly detached from these communal traditions, and the ritual contexts in which the dance once thrived are becoming less frequent. Elders and cultural leaders continue to play a vital role in teaching the songs, movements, and meanings behind the dance, often through village gatherings, church events, and cultural festivals.\n\nIn its form and spirit, Tebe-Lilin exemplifies intangible cultural heritage at its finest: it is an art form, a social practice, and a vehicle for transmitting identity. Every time the dance is performed, it brings light—not just to the night, but to the hearts and memories of those who dance and watch.

In the communities of Viqueque, particularly among the Tetun-Terik-speaking people, fai-akar—the production of sago flour from the akar palm—is not merely a method of food preparation; it is a cultural ceremony that blends labor, rhythm, and collective identity. At the heart of this tradition is the Tali-Bole dance, a dynamic performance woven seamlessly into the act of pounding sago, transforming a daily task into a vibrant expression of heritage.\n\nThe process of making fai-akar begins with harvesting the inner pith of the akar palm tree, which is then ground and washed to extract starch. This labor-intensive task is done in groups, mostly by women, using long wooden pestles to pound the fiber in large mortars. But what sets this practice apart is the way pounding becomes performance: the coordinated movement of the pestles rises and falls to the beat of chanting and drumming, and the Tali-Bole dance emerges from the rhythm of the work itself.\n\nDancers move in synchrony with the pounding, often stepping in and out of the work line, twirling or waving cloth, and responding to sung verses. The term tali-bole can be interpreted in various ways—some connect it to the image of “binding cords,” others to the swinging motion of the pestles themselves—but in all meanings, it emphasizes connection, unity, and the shared pulse of community labor.\n\nSongs sung during the pounding and dancing are passed down orally and are rich in metaphor and memory. One of the most well-known verses, Lakaleok, is sung toward the end of the session, signaling closure and expressing gratitude. These lyrics often tell stories of ancestors, landscapes, and social values, ensuring that cultural knowledge is preserved even in the most practical of activities.\n\nTraditionally, fai-akar and Tali-Bole were performed during rites of passage, funerals, house inaugurations, and communal feasts. Participation was seen not only as a contribution of labor but as an affirmation of cultural belonging. The rhythmic beat of the pestles and the voices of the singers created a space where work, ritual, and performance blended into one.\n\nAlthough the practice remains alive in some villages, it faces growing challenges. The availability of processed food, the decline of communal labor traditions, and the migration of youth to urban areas have all contributed to its reduced presence. Yet, in places where it continues, fai-akar and Tali-Bole are embraced as sources of pride, often featured at cultural festivals and heritage events to showcase the strength and creativity of traditional life.\n\nTo witness Tali-Bole is to see cultural memory in motion—where hands work, feet dance, and voices carry the wisdom of generations. In every stomp and song, the community reaffirms its bond with the land, its past, and one another.

Indigenous Medicine of Sri Lanka (Hela Wedakama) is an ancient wisdom tradition of healthcare and healing practices inherited by cultural heritage unique to native people. Indigenous medical knowledge and practices dispersed throughout the country are culture-bound repository of ancestral wisdom prevailed through generations. HELA WEDA MAHIMA is a sector-specific ICH production that presents most of ICH elements pertaining to livelihoods and craftsmanship associated with indigenous medical sector. Therefore selection of captions and stories should be very authentic and genuine to represent the heritage of culture and traditional identities of indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka. \n\nRitual protection of medicine.\nPractitioners perform rituals to protect the medicinal preparations from malicious or demonic forces. They recite mantras and pirith to create positive energy and attract benefactor divine forces to protect the medicine. It is believed that the chanting pirith and reciting mantras will be providing healing powers too. Reciting pirith is a traditional cultural heritage of Buddhist society and indigenous medical lore has incorporated same etho into healing practices.

Bangla Qawwali Song\nBangla Qawwali is a wonderful example of the journey of a music genre through different countries. Originating in Greater Persia, Iran, Kherson and Baghdad, the Qawwali tradition gained a new identity in Bengal at the shrines of Muslim saints. In Bengal the Qawwali songs synthesized with the philosophy and music of various traditions, such as Vaisnava Kirtan and Baul songs, to produce a new genre of Qawwali called Bangla Qawwali which retained the Sufi idioms of Silsila (teachings of Sufi masters), Sama (listening to music and chanting to induce mystical trance), and Fana (annihilation of the ego).

Bangla Qawwali Song\nBangla Qawwali is a wonderful example of the journey of a music genre through different countries. Originating in Greater Persia, Iran, Kherson and Baghdad, the Qawwali tradition gained a new identity in Bengal at the shrines of Muslim saints. In Bengal the Qawwali songs synthesized with the philosophy and music of various traditions, such as Vaisnava Kirtan and Baul songs, to produce a new genre of Qawwali called Bangla Qawwali which retained the Sufi idioms of Silsila (teachings of Sufi masters), Sama (listening to music and chanting to induce mystical trance), and Fana (annihilation of the ego).

Bangla Qawwali Song\nBangla Qawwali is a wonderful example of the journey of a music genre through different countries. Originating in Greater Persia, Iran, Kherson and Baghdad, the Qawwali tradition gained a new identity in Bengal at the shrines of Muslim saints. In Bengal the Qawwali songs synthesized with the philosophy and music of various traditions, such as Vaisnava Kirtan and Baul songs, to produce a new genre of Qawwali called Bangla Qawwali which retained the Sufi idioms of Silsila (teachings of Sufi masters), Sama (listening to music and chanting to induce mystical trance), and Fana (annihilation of the ego).

Bangla Qawwali Song\nBangla Qawwali is a wonderful example of the journey of a music genre through different countries. Originating in Greater Persia, Iran, Kherson and Baghdad, the Qawwali tradition gained a new identity in Bengal at the shrines of Muslim saints. In Bengal the Qawwali songs synthesized with the philosophy and music of various traditions, such as Vaisnava Kirtan and Baul songs, to produce a new genre of Qawwali called Bangla Qawwali which retained the Sufi idioms of Silsila (teachings of Sufi masters), Sama (listening to music and chanting to induce mystical trance), and Fana (annihilation of the ego).

Bangla Qawwali is a wonderful example of the journey of a music genre through different countries. Originating in Greater Persia, Iran, Kherson and Baghdad, the Qawwali tradition gained a new identity in Bengal at the shrines of Muslim saints. In Bengal the Qawwali songs synthesized with the philosophy and music of various traditions, such as Vaisnava Kirtan and Baul songs, to produce a new genre of Qawwali called Bangla Qawwali which retained the Sufi idioms of Silsila (teachings of Sufi masters), Sama (listening to music and chanting to induce mystical trance), and Fana (annihilation of the ego).

EPICS 1\n\nThere were more than fifty epics performed by renowned epic tellers, including S. Choisuren, B. Avirmed, Sh. Buyan, M. Yadmaa, G. Khainzan, Ts. Zodov, G. Od, T. Purev, R. Lkhagva, Ch. Khartsaga, Dugersuren, Kh. Zambal, R. Duvchinsambuu, D. Bat-Ulzii, E. Namilan, B. Gombojav, B. Gurragchaa, and U. Bataa that cover over 136 hours of the restored and digitised recordings.

Odes\n\nAn ode is an expression of noble feelings of some events and it is linked to certain ceremonies. There are many common characteristics among benedictions and odes. People who recite odes can perform them to a very specific tune. Benedictions are rich in expressing future dreams and fantastical thinking. But odes express present events, as well as people’s pride, admiration, and enthusiasm. There were just over ten hours of restored and digitised odes.

Storytelling\n\nStorytelling is an oral expression that recalls phenomenal events that occurred in society or human lives. The stories, which are expressed artistically, have a certain level of interest and are unique. The storyteller is an individual who has seen that special event or has heard of the events from other person who knows the event very well. Besides storytelling, this category includes materials of local dialects, folk talks of traditional rituals and customs, and the remembrances. The category of storytelling covers over fifty hours of recordings.

Sounds that Run in the Vast Grasslands of Mongolia_Oral Traditions and Performing Arts in Mongolia\n\nSince the early 1950s, the Institute of Language and Literature at the Academy of Science (ILL) has been sending survey teams one to three times a year to research and gather data on oral literature and local dialectics. These activities set the groundwork for officially establishing a new archive with written documents and magnetic audio tapes that could be used for research purposes and be maintained. Preserved on magnetic tapes are languages and dialects that have gone extinct, have lost their distinctiveness, or have been adsorbed into other languages or dialects.\n\nHowever, most of the magnetic tapes being kept at the ILL are more than sixty years old, and the expiration date on many tapes has already lapsed. Also, improper storage conditions have caused some tapes to dry out, cling to one another, or fracture. For these reason, it would be hard to transmit to the next generation. Accordingly, since 2008, efforts have been made towards restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes within the internal capability and capacity of the ILL. The lack of training, finance, and proper tools and technical equipment has, nevertheless, created several obstacles and the digitizing results have not been very successful.\n\nAt this crucial state, the ILL introduced a cooperative request to the Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage (FPNCH), and the FPNCH proposed that ICHCAP continue the joint project and take measures for restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes and distributing and disseminating the data among the general public. According to the above decision, the FPNCH and ICHCAP implemented the Joint Cooperation Project of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage by Using Information Technology from October 2011 to April 2012.\n\nAs the first stage of the project, the Expert Meeting for Safeguarding ICH by Using Information Technology was held in the Republic of Korea to exchange information with experts for digitizing and restoring the analogue data. The experts of Mongolian National Public Radio, the ILL, and the FPNCH started the project after sharing restoration and digitization knowledge with the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) of Korea, the National Archives of Korea, and the Korea Film Council.\n\nAs the main outcome of the project, a total of 715 hours of superannuated magnetic tapes including epics, folk tales, tales accompanied by the morin khuur, traditional arts, khuumei, chor, long and short folksongs, and traditional customs were restored, digitized, and categorized. Among them, 128 audio clips were selected and reproduced in a ten-CD collection called Sounds from the Mongolian Grasslands. The collection also includes a twenty-page handbook in English or Korean. Through this project, the general public’s, involved organizations’, and domestic and international experts’ awareness about Mongolian ICH increased, and the archive and music contents of regional ICH were strengthened.

Kathakali (lit. story- play) is a highly sophisticated and stylized semi-classical dance drama prevalent all over Kerala. It evolved amalgamating features from all folk and classical performing art forms of Kerala. \nKathakali as a performing art evolved from Ramanattam. The King of Kottarakkara adapted eight episodes from the Ramayana as Ramanattam. However, in the 17th century, the King of Vettathu Nadu modified Ramanattam to develop a classical dance-drama, the Kathakali.\nKathakali derives its themes from the Indian epics, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Bhagavata Purana. The language used for the songs in Kathakali is a mixture of Malayalam and Sanskrit (manipravalam). For theatric communication, the actor uses dance movements, a codified language of gestures and facial expressions. Kathakali displays great dexterity and potential for the actor to show his histrionic and interpretative skills through resorting to an elaborate method of acting.\nThe performance of Kathakali follows a particular sequence. At dusk, the percussionists play their instruments to announce the event (keli). The traditional lamp is lit in front of the performing area (vilakku veppu). The horizontal drum is played to signal the commencement (arangu keli or suddha manddalam), and singers recite the invocation (sloka). \nTwo performers dance a ritual invocation behind the curtain, salute the deities. \nAnother prayer dance is performed in front of the curtain, followed by the ensemble of the drums (chenda, maddalam, chengila, elathalam). The actual story (katha) begins only after these preliminaries. \nIn Kathakali, the make-up and costume represent different traits of character. The colours are symbolic; green represents satwik (pious and virtuous characters); red patch on a green face to represent rajasi’(valorous characters); and a thadi (beard) is added to represents tamasic (evil traits of a character). Elaborate costumes and intricate face make-up In Kathakali is done to mask the human face and invest it with super-human characteristics. \nKathakali has transformed over the recent years from all-night performances in temples and other sites, to three-hour presentations in contemporary settings. The plays have become abridged to suit the tastes of a new audience.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 5 is 'ICH AND SACRED RITUALS'.

The sixth sub-regional networking meeting took place in Pacific Harbor, Fiji, in April 2015. The meeting was organized by ICHCAP and the Department of Heritage and Arts of Fiji in collaboration with the UNESCO Office in Apia.\nThis meeting report includes presentation materials from the sub-regional meeting as well as summaries of the meeting with the intent of providing information to promote international cooperation among experts and institutions in the ICH safeguarding field in the Pacific region.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 32 is 'Lacquerware Arts.'