Meke, a type of traditional Fijian dance, is the repository of Fijian oral culture and served as a unifying factor in Fijian society before the arrival of Christianity. The musical form of meke is a Fijian polyphony composed around tonal center. It has short intervals and comprises seconds (major and minor), thirds (major), fourths, and occasionally fifths. The melodic movement is small and mostly stepwise with the laga (principal line) in the middle. The laga is the lead singer of the meke and sets the tempo and pitch. \n\nAbove the laga is the tagica (meaning “to chime in”) and below is the druku (bass). There are duet riffs involving the laga and tagica sung in a close polyphony of seconds, thirds, occasionally fourths, and unison. The chorus involves all the singers and is usually in a block chordal pattern. There may be two more parts: vakasalavoavoa (a descant), the highest part, sung above the tagica; and the vaqiqivatu (tenor part), weaving a polyphonic line between the bass and the laga and providing harmonic interest without being integral to the whole. \n\nThere are meke for every occasion. Some are regional (i.e., a collaboration of villages and districts) and some are collective: from those sung within the family and extended groups to the very large and impressive dance meke involving hundreds of participants. All of them form the Fijian musical canon together with instruments such as lali (large slit drums), lali ni meke (small lali for meke), derua (bamboo stamping tubes), and cobo (clapping with cupped hands). \n\nThere are other instruments such as the davui (end-blown triton shell) and the dulali (nose flute), but these instruments are not included in meke performance. The actual singing of meke involves a number of performers: men, women, and children in any combination, sitting in a tight circle around the leaders. Texts of meke are arranged in stanzas and composed in an indigenous, oral poetic style. There are no limits to the number or the length of the stanzas; rhythm and rhyme are paramount.

Same (Sung Liturgical Chorus\nMethodist evangelists, the first Westerners to influence the Fijian society, realized the overwhelming challenge of introducing Christianity to such a complex society. One of the tools they utilized for the Christian liturgy was the meke, or traditional dance. Meke was used as a preaching tool in introducing Christianity. Its text spoke directly to Fijians in their oral traditions. Same, a transliterated name, is not a psalm (as in the Bible) but an indigenous liturgy with Christian text composed in the form of Fijian poetry fitted to the music of the meke. The origin of the same is not clear. However, given the fact that the early missionary activities were concentrated in Eastern Fiji, it can be safely assumed that the Christians started to use same for their services in this region. The sound, vocal parts, and lyrics of the same are entirely iTaukei; however, its only difference with a meke is that the same is religiously (Christian) focused.\n----------------------------------\nSere Ni Lotu (Christian Hymnody)\nOne definition of a hymn is a lyric poem, reverently and devotionally conceived, which is designed to be sung to express a worshipper’s attitude toward God or God’s purposes in human life. It is simple and metrical in form, genuinely emotional, poetic and literary in style, and spiritual in quality and in its ideas. Fijian sere ni lotu are direct transplants of English Methodist hymnodies, where the Fijian text mirrors the form and style of its English counterpart. The style of the sere ni lotu follows the Western major and minor scale, especially in the polyphony and voice categorizations of sopranos, contraltos, tenors, and basses.\n\nHistorically, sere ni lotu is a turnaround from the traditional styles and melodic forms of the meke and same becoming popular and entrenched as Christianity gained a stronger hold in iTaukei Fijian society.\n- Black, H. Sere dina ni Lotu Wesele e Viti - True Songs. Canberra: Australian National University, 2010. -

Serenicumu literally means “bumping songs,” a genre of popular music that is widespread throughout Fiji today and is performed in villages as well as at local resorts and hotels. These songs are covers of or are influenced by styles from Europe and America as well as from other Pacific islands or the Caribbean (particularly reggae). They are often performed at informal yaqona drinking sessions and are also associated with informal dance types broadly termed tauratale or danisi (taken from the English word ”dance”).\n\nThe exact origin of the genre is obscure. Serenicumu is said to be associated with the first legally allowed sales of beer to Indigenous Fijians in the 1920s in Suva, and it is suggested that this genre originated from parties where men bumped their drinking glasses together. Another source further adds that this music was originally called sere ni cumu saqa (saqa meaning “barrel” or “tankard”) and that it referred to the practice of Fijian men sitting in a circle at a table and resting their heads against their tankards of beer. Many serenicumu songs still performed today date from World War II―an intense period of creativity for this genre―when soldiers from the US, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Australia interacted extensively with Fijians.\n\nCurrently, musicians distinguish two main styles of serenicumu: trio and sere bass (also called sere makawa or “old songs,” even though they may be fifteen or more years old). Sere bass performance features a large group of bass vocalists (bass/besi) in addition to three solo voice parts: tatabani/tatabana, domo tolu/vakababa, and laga/lagalaga in descending order in terms of their vocal range. Only the three solo parts are heard in trio. The types and roles of the instruments, their tuning, and their playing techniques have also changed over time. The technique of vadivadi (plucking), which characterized sere bass guitar performance in the past, has been replaced by various “scrumming” (strumming) for the rhythm guitar and a range of left- and right-handed techniques for the lead guitarist. The only chords used in sere bass were dua(tonic), rua (subdominant), and tolu (dominant), whereas trio also featured warning (seventh), minus (minor), and flat (supertonic) chords.\n\nAnyone can participate in sere bass performance, which makes it ideal for use at large social gatherings. Trio performers are expected to perform to a high standard and are usually heard at small social functions such as yaqona drinking sessions.\nThe tempo tends to be slower and the overall pitch lower in sere bass when compared to trio. Sere bass, being closer stylistically to meke, tends to be preferred by older people (those in their mid-40s and above) and provides them with a means to connect with and celebrate their cultural roots. Trio, which tends to be popular with those in their 20s and 30s, exhibits a greater degree of Westernization than sere bass, but it is still regarded as being part of the serenicumu oral tradition that has been passed down through the generations and that continues to change as new songs are continually added to the repertoire and old ones fall into disuse.

Meke, a type of traditional Fijian dance, is the repository of iTaukei oral culture and served as a unifying factor in Fijian society before the arrival of Christianity. The musical form of meke is a Fijian polyphony composed around tonal center. It has short intervals and comprises seconds (major and minor), thirds (major), fourths, and occasionally fifths. The melodic movement is small and mostly stepwise with the laga (principal line) in the middle.\n\nThe laga is the lead singer of the meke and sets the tempo and pitch. Above the laga is the tagica (meaning “to chime in”) and below is the druku (bass). There are duet riffs involving the laga and tagica sung in a close polyphony of seconds, thirds, occasionally fourths, and unison. The chorus involves all the singers and is usually in a block choral pattern. There may be two more parts: vakasalavoavoa (a descant), the highest part, sung above the tagica; and the vaqiqivatu (tenor part), weaving a polyphonic line between the bass and the laga and providing harmonic interest without being integral to the whole. \n\nThere are meke for every occasion. Some are regional and some are collective, from those sung within the family and extended groups to the very large and impressive dance meke involving hundreds of participants. All of them form the Fijian musical canon together with instruments such as lali (large slit drums), lali ni meke (small lali for meke), derua (bamboo stamping tubes), and cobo (clapping with cupped hands).\n\nThere are other instruments such as the davui (end-blown triton shell) and the dulali (nose flute), but these instruments are not included in meke performance. The actual singing of meke involved a number of performers: men, women, and children in any combination, sitting in a tight circle around the leaders. Texts of meke are arranged in stanzas and composed in an indigenous, oral poetic style. There are no limits to the number or the length of the stanzas; rhythm and rhyme are paramount.

In the iTaukei Fijian culture, raising children is everyone’s responsibility. It is therefore everyone’s business to learn, memorize, and recite the chant correctly. Each chant, or make, is unique to the families, clans, and communities. Chants for children often take the form of poems that proclaim the identity of the clan and their origins. For example, a chant composed for children who are from inland of the two main islands in Fiji would be different from those created for children from maritime and coastal tribes. Children’s chants are composed to suit different stages of childhood development and their activities. Vakamoce gone, or bedtime chants, are sung to put children to sleep and would therefore be recited with a soft, soothing monotone. This is an early introduction of language to the subconscious being of a child. \n\nMeanwhile, Vakawele gone are chants sung to draw full attention of a child when they are awake, and, therefore, are performed at fast tempo with a playful tone. Vakaqito gone are chants sung to engage a child in a game. They are participatory in nature and contribute to development of a child’s sensory movements and social skills.

Veiqaravi vakavanua literally means “service in the manner of the land.” This is the heart of traditional Fijian diplomacy and traditional orature, in which carefully chosen words, expressions, intonation, and even pauses all work in tandem to create the sacred atmosphere befitting some traditional occasion. It is on these occasions when the traditional orature and Fijian oral culture are highly esteemed, when good orators utter rich metaphoric expressions and sentences to welcome a high chief or esteemed guest with either yaqona roots or a whale’s tooth. This is followed by the mixture of yaqona libation in a tanoa (wooden bowl carved from the trunk of vesi, intsia bijuga). This vessel is placed in front of the honored guest at a respectful distance. Men in traditional dress are arranged around and behind the tanoa and chanting \nis carried out as the libation is mixed. Thereafter, the yaqona mix is served to the honored guest while chanting continues.

Vakalutuivoce is a traditional duet chant performed by men, usually from the fisherfolk clan in the maritime islands and coastal communities of the larger islands. The chants usually tell of the successful fishing expeditions of the fisherfolk clans. \nContents may vary but usually hinge upon fishing and the coastal environment. For communities located in the islands of the larger islands, these chants are called Vakavunigasau. \nThe Vakavunigasau is a functional chant associated with tugging logs. It is constantly chanted at the construction of a house and aims to help break the monotony, boredom, and heaviness of labor. It also inculcates a sense of solidarity and unity among workers and keeps the work proceeding at a methodical and companionable rate. The singing style of Vakalutuivoce is parallel to that of Vakavunigasau. For example, a melody is added as an accompaniment to another melody.

The genre Hò originated from the working environment. The Southern part of Vietnam, where the waters are a vital element for the workers to sing on these flowing streams. Back then, the genre of hò đường thuỷ (singing on waterways) was rather popular. From traditional performing environment, hò eventually separated into different genres- hò trên cạn (hò on land) and hò dưới nước (hò on water). Based on the carrying content, reflected themes, hò continue to evolve into various genres to adapt with different forms and narratives (hò thơ, hò văn, hò tuồng, etc.) \n\nNam Bộ (Southern Vietnam) is the area resides on the south side of Vietnam, including six provinces in the East and 13 provinces in the West. On a geographically level, the land of Nam Bộ is a stable region, in contrast to its cultural environment that is constantly changing and evolving.\n\nNam Bộ is home to various ethnic communities, such as the Việt people, the Kh'mer people, the Chăm people, the Hoa people, the Châu Ro people, the S'tiêng people, the Mạ people...And so, this has created a legacy to Nam Bộ folk performances and culture on this land. However, project "Phong hoa ca vịnh" only limits to the performance traditions of the Viet people, specifically the genres of ru, hò, and lý.\n\nFrom what was described about the early 20th centuries, it is evident how Nam Bộ art performance scene has rapidly transformed. No longer the time where lovers freely conversing their hearts by the rivers, all has sank into oblivion. Even the ru melodies have stopped lingering on the mother's lips, lost within the memories of her children. Culture and its nature of constantly evolving have opened up a contemporary cultural space that can response with today's society. The cyberspace, despite being "unreal", but it's meaningful enough to create an environment that filled with the poetry of ru, the melodies of lý, the bustling groove of hò - Where they have gathered a range of humanly emotions.\n\nThe blues (Hò) is a folk genre that originates from the working environment. Thanks to hò, it's helped the worker to aid their spirit, harmoneously integrate with the social interactions to bring out the best productivity outcome.\n\nThroughout history, hò has branched itself into different forms, where some branches fossiled within the past, and some have progressed into forms of expressions, for flirting, conversing,...On the aspect of social application, hò has a function that response with the need of labour. While on the sentimental aspect, hò reflects the internal needs of people.\n\nThis project is sponsored by the British Council under the program Heritage of Future Past- A 2018 project which aims to conserve and cultivate the archive of Vietnamese music and film, especially focusing on the untapped values of these mediums that are under the threat of being forgotten. You can learn more about the Heritage of Future Past program via this link: https://www.britishcouncil.vn/cac-chuong-trinh/nghe-thuat/di-san-ket-noi\n\nResearch by Mr. Le Hai Dang\nTranslated by Ms. Ha Hoang Minh Trang

The genre Ru tends to perform within the familial environment, with a hypnotising nature that tends to be use to lull children.\n\nNam Bộ (Southern Vietnam) is the area resides on the south side of Vietnam, including six provinces in the East and 13 provinces in the West. On a geographically level, the land of Nam Bộ is a stable region, in contrast to its cultural environment that is constantly changing and evolving.\n\nNam Bộ is home to various ethnic communities, such as the Việt people, the Kh'mer people, the Chăm people, the Hoa people, the Châu Ro people, the S'tiêng people, the Mạ people...And so, this has created a legacy to Nam Bộ folk performances and culture on this land. However, project "Phong hoa ca vịnh" only limits to the performance traditions of the Viet people, specifically the genres of ru, hò, and lý.\n\nFrom what was described about the early 20th centuries, it is evident how Nam Bộ art performance scene has rapidly transformed. No longer the time where lovers freely conversing their hearts by the rivers, all has sank into oblivion. Even the ru melodies have stopped lingering on the mother's lips, lost within the memories of her children. Culture and its nature of constantly evolving have opened up a contemporary cultural space that can response with today's society. The cyberspace, despite being "unreal", but it's meaningful enough to create an environment that filled with the poetry of ru, the melodies of lý, the bustling groove of hò - Where they have gathered a range of humanly emotions.\n\nLullabies (Hát ru/ Ru) was created on the basis of the native landspace. There's an evident link between the genre of ru with other folk music genders, but also deep within the layers of historical and cultural memories. The ru of Nam Bộ was formed and passed down via the cultural foundation of Nam Bộ. This natural ecosystem and culture have given birth to a distinctive genre, where it's expressed through the lyrics, melodies, and sonic possibilities.\n\nThis project is sponsored by the British Council under the program Heritage of Future Past- A 2018 project which aims to conserve and cultivate the archive of Vietnamese music and film, especially focusing on the untapped values of these mediums that are under the threat of being forgotten. You can learn more about the Heritage of Future Past program via this link: https://www.britishcouncil.vn/cac-chuong-trinh/nghe-thuat/di-san-ket-noi.\n\nResearch by Mr. Le Hai Dang\nTranslated by Ms. Ha Hoang Minh Trang

CD1_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL 1: LULLABIES\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called\n\nTefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. The Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now.\n\nAn Album of Lullabies and Cradle Songs - Lullabies exist in every culture, as singing or making sounds to help children fall asleep is a universal phenomenon. In India, lullabies are also part of the life cycle ceremonies associated with the birth of a child. Thus, they tend to have an added ritualistic purpose. The themes sometimes include aspects of devotional music and might invoke the blessings of gods or refer to the childhoods of deities. Rituals that celebrate the births of gods such as Krishna often make use of songs composed in lullaby form and that may be sung to babies. The concept of an album of lullabies and cradle songs recorded in a part of India in the late 1930s may seem narrow. However, the recurrence of lullabies in Bake’s recordings raises some interesting questions. Did Bake consider them life-cycle songs? Were they everyday songs that people considered traditional? Many – if not all – the lullabies have meaningless syllables, which are perhaps intended to soothe the child. For example, the syllables jo jo seem to occur in Kannada and Marathi lullabies, and perhaps in other Indian languages.

CD6_FLUTE TUNES OF THE HERDSMEN OF NEPAL\n\nCattle rearing is a major occupation for people residing in the rural areas of Nepal. Herdsmen go to the forest with their cattle for grazing. They carry a flute with them so that they can play music for several purposes, such as expressing their feelings, guiding the cattle, and passing time. As the herdsmen move to the forest after eating in the morning and come back at dusk, their only friend for the entire day is the flute. The bamboo flute is very popular all over Nepal as various styles of folk music can be played on it. The sad tunes coming from the flute lure all the herdsmen or workers into the calm and peaceful environment of the forest, where it is easier for them to express their emotions.

CD3_FOLK SONGS OF NEPAL\n\nNepal is still extremely rich in folk songs, though these are less popular with younger generations. The music culture has traditionally been an oral culture passed down from guru to pupil. Many songs that have never been recorded or written down are thought to have been lost. Fortunately, several enthusiastic folklorists, musicians, singers, and researchers have made collections of folk song lyrics to promulgate them, focusing especially on the rarer and most endangered folk songs. We present here a few examples.