Traditional pottery art in Bhutan is known in Dzongkha as Dza-zo and the artisans are Dza-khem; in Kurtoep dialect they’re known as Phreng, art, and Phreng cho-khan, artisans. Dza-zo traditional form of pottery falls within the scope of recognized traditional Bhutanese arts and crafts. Today, traditional artisans in Gangzur village in Gangzur village block, Lhuentse district continue to make Bhutanese pottery. The nearby village of Maenjabi in Maenbi block formerly practiced the art, but over the past twenty years lost its artisans to age and migration for work.\n\nArchaeological evidence shows that ceramics have been important from the time of early settlement in Bhutan. Earthen pots were used as household items in the absence of utensils made of copper, bronze, and iron as we know them today. With the visit of Guru Rinpoche to Bhutan in the 8th century, handicrafts were introduced to Bhutan, including Dza-zo pottery, which was then propagated by Drubchen Thangthong Gyalpo (1361-1485) and Rigzin Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) in the 14th and 15th centuries. The tradition of handicrafts reached its peak in the 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594-1651) took personal interest in arts such as Lhadri painting, patra engraving, tshem-zo embroidery, chag-zo blacksmithing, and troe-zo silversmithing. He reinforced the practice of these artisanal skills including pottery. \n\nTraditional pottery was first practiced in the villages of Rinpung in Paro, Wangbarma in Thimphu, Shar Goenkha in Wangdi and Gangzur in Lhuntse district. From these places, the skills and knowledge have been passed down from generation to generation until today.

Traditional pottery art in Bhutan is known in Dzongkha as Dza-zo and the artisans are Dza-khem; in Kurtoep dialect they’re known as Phreng, art, and Phreng cho-khan, artisans. Dza-zo traditional form of pottery falls within the scope of recognized traditional Bhutanese arts and crafts. Today, traditional artisans in Gangzur village in Gangzur village block, Lhuentse district continue to make Bhutanese pottery. The nearby village of Maenjabi in Maenbi block formerly practiced the art, but over the past twenty years lost its artisans to age and migration for work.\n\nArchaeological evidence shows that ceramics have been important from the time of early settlement in Bhutan. Earthen pots were used as household items in the absence of utensils made of copper, bronze, and iron as we know them today. With the visit of Guru Rinpoche to Bhutan in the 8th century, handicrafts were introduced to Bhutan, including Dza-zo pottery, which was then propagated by Drubchen Thangthong Gyalpo (1361-1485) and Rigzin Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) in the 14th and 15th centuries. The tradition of handicrafts reached its peak in the 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594-1651) took personal interest in arts such as Lhadri painting, patra engraving, tshem-zo embroidery, chag-zo blacksmithing, and troe-zo silversmithing. He reinforced the practice of these artisanal skills including pottery. \n\nTraditional pottery was first practiced in the villages of Rinpung in Paro, Wangbarma in Thimphu, Shar Goenkha in Wangdi and Gangzur in Lhuntse district. From these places, the skills and knowledge have been passed down from generation to generation until today.

Lion Dance of the Tay and Nung listed in the National ICH List in 2017\nThe Lion Dance of the Tay and Nung of Lang Son City, Viet Nam, is usually performed during New Year celebrations. Villagers wearing lion masks perform dances to wish for a prosperous life and to ward off evil. The lion dance has become an important part of the cultural identity of the Tay and Nung communities by combining local cultural elements, traditional martial arts, and folk dances through migration and cultural exchange between ethnic groups in the border region. A Lion Dance team typically consists of 12 to 14 performers. Members of the team perform lion dance, martial arts dance, acrobatics, and monkey dances. Additionally, they play drums, gongs, and cymbals. The dance embodies humanistic values and promotes community solidarity, fostering harmonious interaction with the natural environment.

Lion Dance of the Tay and Nung listed in the National ICH List in 2017\nThe Lion Dance of the Tay and Nung of Lang Son City, Viet Nam, is usually performed during New Year celebrations. Villagers wearing lion masks perform dances to wish for a prosperous life and to ward off evil. The lion dance has become an important part of the cultural identity of the Tay and Nung communities by combining local cultural elements, traditional martial arts, and folk dances through migration and cultural exchange between ethnic groups in the border region. A Lion Dance team typically consists of 12 to 14 performers. Members of the team perform lion dance, martial arts dance, acrobatics, and monkey dances. Additionally, they play drums, gongs, and cymbals. The dance embodies humanistic values and promotes community solidarity, fostering harmonious interaction with the natural environment.

Khovd Province, located in western Mongolia, is a vibrant tapestry of majestic landscapes, diverse ethnic communities, and deep-rooted cultural traditions. Home to more than ten ethnic groups—including the Kazakhs, Torguud, Durvud, Zakhchin, Uriankhai, and Myangad—Khovd is a cradle of intangible cultural heritage passed down for generations.\n\nSurrounded by sacred snow-capped peaks and vast river valleys, Khovd is rich in biodiversity, with over 1,300 plant species and hundreds of rare and endangered animals, including snow leopards and Altai argali. Its historical landscape is just as abundant, featuring ancient rock carvings, deer stones, and the renowned Gurvan Tsenkher Cave with 40,000-year-old petroglyphs.\n\nThe province is a living museum of nomadic knowledge and craftsmanship. Locals uphold centuries-old traditions of herding, long-distance camel caravans, and skilled artisanal work—everything from intricate ethnic costumes and woodcraft to leather and felt production. Unique musical and dance traditions, such as bielgee (expressive dance), Tsuur flute playing, and the haunting throat singing khoomii, echo across the region, preserving the voices of the past.\n\nAnnual festivals celebrate horse racing, wrestling, and the famed Kazakh Eagle Festival, showcasing the enduring bond between eagle hunters and their majestic birds. Epic poetry, the melodies of the horsehead fiddle, and region-specific tea customs further enrich Khovd’s living cultural heritage.\n\nThis documentary journeys through the soul of Khovd Province—where every mountain, melody, and movement tells a story. It’s a place where Mongolia’s ancestral spirit is not only remembered but proudly lived every day.

In the communities of Viqueque, particularly among the Tetun-Terik-speaking people, fai-akar—the production of sago flour from the akar palm—is not merely a method of food preparation; it is a cultural ceremony that blends labor, rhythm, and collective identity. At the heart of this tradition is the Tali-Bole dance, a dynamic performance woven seamlessly into the act of pounding sago, transforming a daily task into a vibrant expression of heritage.\n\nThe process of making fai-akar begins with harvesting the inner pith of the akar palm tree, which is then ground and washed to extract starch. This labor-intensive task is done in groups, mostly by women, using long wooden pestles to pound the fiber in large mortars. But what sets this practice apart is the way pounding becomes performance: the coordinated movement of the pestles rises and falls to the beat of chanting and drumming, and the Tali-Bole dance emerges from the rhythm of the work itself.\n\nDancers move in synchrony with the pounding, often stepping in and out of the work line, twirling or waving cloth, and responding to sung verses. The term tali-bole can be interpreted in various ways—some connect it to the image of “binding cords,” others to the swinging motion of the pestles themselves—but in all meanings, it emphasizes connection, unity, and the shared pulse of community labor.\n\nSongs sung during the pounding and dancing are passed down orally and are rich in metaphor and memory. One of the most well-known verses, Lakaleok, is sung toward the end of the session, signaling closure and expressing gratitude. These lyrics often tell stories of ancestors, landscapes, and social values, ensuring that cultural knowledge is preserved even in the most practical of activities.\n\nTraditionally, fai-akar and Tali-Bole were performed during rites of passage, funerals, house inaugurations, and communal feasts. Participation was seen not only as a contribution of labor but as an affirmation of cultural belonging. The rhythmic beat of the pestles and the voices of the singers created a space where work, ritual, and performance blended into one.\n\nAlthough the practice remains alive in some villages, it faces growing challenges. The availability of processed food, the decline of communal labor traditions, and the migration of youth to urban areas have all contributed to its reduced presence. Yet, in places where it continues, fai-akar and Tali-Bole are embraced as sources of pride, often featured at cultural festivals and heritage events to showcase the strength and creativity of traditional life.\n\nTo witness Tali-Bole is to see cultural memory in motion—where hands work, feet dance, and voices carry the wisdom of generations. In every stomp and song, the community reaffirms its bond with the land, its past, and one another.

Along the coastal regions of Timor-Leste, especially in areas where seawater meets fertile land, communities have preserved a unique tradition known as Tein-Masin—the age-old practice of salt making. More than just a method for producing seasoning, this practice reflects generations of local knowledge, environmental adaptation, and cultural ritual.\n\nThe process begins with the careful selection of salty earth, which is usually dug from the beach or coastal swamps. This salt-rich soil is placed into large woven baskets or wooden containers and then carefully filtered using fresh water collected from nearby springs. The resulting brine is collected in clay pots or metal vessels and then boiled over a wood fire for hours—sometimes days—until only fine salt crystals remain.\n\nSalt production is typically carried out by women and elders who have mastered the delicate timing and techniques required for successful extraction. Every step—from gathering the earth to managing the fire’s intensity—demands attention, patience, and experience. It is common to see family members working together, with children helping to fetch water or gather firewood, making it both a household activity and a community effort.\n\nBefore the salt-making begins, it is customary to conduct a ritual led by a lia-nain (traditional spiritual leader) or elder. An animal, often a chicken, is sacrificed and its blood is offered to local spirits as a request for protection and success. This ritual underscores the belief that nature’s resources must be treated with respect, and that balance between human needs and the environment must be maintained.\n\nSalt produced through Tein-Masin is more than a culinary product—it is a symbol of cultural resilience and a vital part of local economies. It is exchanged in traditional markets, used in rituals, and stored as a valuable household good. In times of hardship or isolation, it has even served as a form of currency.\n\nToday, while industrial salt is widely available, many communities still choose to practice Tein-Masin, valuing not only the quality of the hand-made salt but also the cultural meaning embedded in its production. Yet, challenges remain: the practice is labor-intensive and yields are modest, and younger generations are increasingly drawn away by urban migration and modern lifestyles.\n\nPreserving Tein-Masin means more than protecting a traditional technique—it means safeguarding a way of life shaped by harmony with nature, intergenerational collaboration, and deep spiritual connection to the land and sea.

“The Spirit of the Steppe: Mongolian Horse Culture” takes viewers on a powerful journey into the heart of Mongolia’s nomadic heritage—where horses are more than animals; they are partners in survival, symbols of strength, and spiritual companions.\n\nFor centuries, Mongolians have relied on horses for hunting, warfare, migration, transport, food, and drink. From galloping across the steppe to brewing healing mare’s milk (airag), horses are central to every aspect of nomadic life. Their unmatched endurance, compact build, and gentle temperament make Mongolian horses ideal for long rides, harsh climates, and riders of all ages.\n\nThis documentary explores how foals are trained from a young age, classified into herding, racing, catching, or event horses, and how they are selected for leadership based on traits like stamina, courage, and gait. Viewers will also discover Mongolia’s diverse horse breeds—like Galshar, Tesin Gol, and Darkhad—each adapted to different terrains, from desert to mountains.\n\nWith deep respect, herders care for their horses using centuries-old techniques such as acupuncture, moxibustion, and mindful riding practices. Tools like saddles, bridles, hobbles, and brushes are passed down through generations, and always stored in the honored western side of the ger.\n\nThe film also highlights horse-related rituals and songs, sung when milking mares, calming foals, or praising racehorses. These traditions, rich in emotion and wisdom, echo the unique bond between herder and horse—a bond built on trust, respect, and shared purpose.\n\nMongolian horses are not only fast and hardy—they’re loyal, intuitive, and capable of navigating home across vast distances. With each gallop, they carry the legacy of the steppe.

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

This is ChapterⅠ of a story read by Saimoni Vatu from an old colonial Fijian news publication, Na Mata . The whole story was published in a series that spanned two years from September 1892 to December 1893 and was later republished as a series in 1932. The transcribed oral tradition retells of a migration that goes all the way to Lake Taganyika (in presentday Tanzania), including place names and the connection to Fiji. The story highlights the voyage of the iTaukei patriarch, Lutunasobasoba , on his vessel, the Kaunitoni . One interesting part of the story was the loss of a stone chest containing the tools of trade and the book of languages as they journeyed to Nakauvadra.

This is an oral history about the migration of ancestral heroes Roko Ratu and Roko Dreu from Burebasaga in eastern mainland Viti Levu to Ono, Kadavu, an island located to the south of Fiji. Oral histories not only recount events but also validate old kinship between tribes who may have been geographically separated over generations yet still acknowledge their connection and relationship.

This is an oral history about the migration of the Tui Lovoni and his followers from the island of Ovalau to the island of Onoilau. The inhabitants of Onoilau today consist of different groups of people who had migrated in the pre-colonial era; one such group is the Tui Lovoni and his followers.

Na iTukuni is a form of storytelling and a means for leisure and passing time. It is also a form through which oral history is passed inter-generationally. Storytellers are “gifted” individuals with vivid memories of the past, and, to reciprocate for their talent, they are gifted with food and traditional heirlooms. There are stories that tell of human triumph, trickery and jest between friends and foes, and clashes between humans and figures from the spiritual world, as well as stories that have history or some coded knowledge in them. Some stories are about characters from the spiritual realm and feats of ancestral heroes. \n\nOther stories tell of humor, tragedy, exile, unrequited romance, death, and even cheating death. Storytelling was the equivalent of today’s television and social media. It kept members of a clan entertained and enthralled when storytellers held court around an open fire before a starry-eyed audience, mimicking voices and gestures. Storytelling not only enhanced social cohesion, but served as a repository of a clan’s intangible heritage, particularly in a culture that was highly and predominantly oral and remains so even today.

CD6_WOMEN’S VOICES FROM THE MOUNTAINS\n\nThe women performing here are not professional musicians. These songs are part of the everyday life of women. Women’s songs are often work songs sung while grinding, threshing, and pounding, as a way to while away the tedium of long laborious tasks and provide a rhythm as well as companionship. Women play a key role in rituals, singing narratives and ballads as well as life cycle songs for events such as birth, marriage, and death. Wedding songs form a large part of the repertoire of women in India. This important part of the intangible cultural heritage of India is disappearing with urbanization and migration to cities, and with mechanization that takes away the need for grinding and pounding. Moreover, recorded music and television are taking the place of song. Thus, the recording and documentation of these traditions become more important. Namely, recordings of the voices of the woman in the home and in the fields, who carry out the rituals for their families and the gods who protect them, hold immense value. This is a compilation of women’s songs from the foothills of the Himalayas, Kangra in Himachal Pradesh (the “land of the snows”), and from high up in the Garhwal Himalayas in Uttarakhand (the “northern land”). Though not connected, there are similarities in the themes between the ghasyari songs and khuder of Garhwal and the pakaharu of Kangra. Women sing about their hardships, such as their daily struggles with marriage, absent husbands, and about the friendship among women. These songs do not have any instrumental accompaniment. The songs are from the research conducted by two wo men researchers: Kirin Narayan and Ragini Deshpande. The songs from Kangra are those recorded and collected by Kirin Narayan, who has worked in Kangra, studying women’s songs and stories for many years. The selection presented here is from 1990 to 1991. Ragini Deshpande recorded and collected women’s songs in Chamoli, Garhwal, from 1981 to 1989. As Sangita Devi says quoted by Kiri Narayan, “Everyone can sing, but only when you know pain can you understand the song.”

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 6 is 'ICH AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS'.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 28 is 'ICH and Sacred Cultural Spaces.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 32 is 'Lacquerware Arts.'

Based on the ICHCAP Field Survey on Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding Efforts in some Pacific countries (2009-2013), this summary provides a brief overview on the ICH situation in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, the Cook Islands, the Marshall Islands, Tonga, Palau, Vanuatu and Federated States of Micronesia. The summary focuses mainly on ICH safeguarding systems, safeguarding policies, and ICH inventories as well as on pending issues and the urgent safeguarding needs of these countries. Moreover, information on the main entities in charge of ICH safeguarding and opinions of each country on the issue of community involvement are provided. To give a quick overview these countries’ participation in ICH safeguarding at the international level, some additional information related to UNESCO is specified as well. Apart from the main topic, information on the situation of intellectual property related to ICH safeguarding in each country is included. This survey report offers a large sample of the diverse ICH situations in Pacific countries. Each country has a different background on the issue of intangible heritage. Although all countries participating in the survey are concerned with the threats facing their ICH, most of them haven’t defined ICH and haven’t established inventory national ICH list or inventory. However, each country expresses a high degree of motivation and encouragement for safeguarding ICH, sharing experiences, and participating in international cooperation efforts. Compared to some Asian countries, Pacific countries seem to be well aware of the emerging intellectual property issues related to ICH. This might be related to the internationally publicized infringement and violation of intellectual property rights by outsiders on the Pacific’s traditional knowledge, cultural expressions, and genetic resources . Moreover, these countries appear to collaborate closely with the World Intellectual Property Organization on various awareness-raising and capacity-building activities on protecting traditional culture in a broad sense. To date, out of the eight Pacific countries participating in the survey, five countries (Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Cook Islands, Palau, and Vanuatu) are drafting laws on the protection of traditional knowledge and expressions of culture. Furthermore, in terms of technical terminology, the Pacific countries tend to use “traditional knowledge” and “expressions of culture” as equivalent terms to “intangible cultural heritage”. Pacific countries are also conducting cultural mapping projects, which is another common point that they share. Finally, the Pacific region has the highest rate of indigenous populations of any other region of the world and the highest rate of customary or traditional land ownership.\n\n- Ratified the ICH Convention in 2010; conducted survey in 2009 and updated in 2015.\n- As of March 2018, has no elements on the ICH Lists of UNESCO and no accredited NGOs.