Materials
houses
ICH Materials 161
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Yurt Production
Preserving and transmitting craftsmanship for centuries, a yurt is not a mere dwelling, but also a creative workshop for folk art. Yurt embodied all kinds of decorative and applied arts. Meeting all the demands of everyday life, it carries both aesthetic and ritual functions.
Kyrgyzstan 2017 -
To Be Manobo
▶ Play Video 6. To Be Manobo\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on June 6, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Manobo cultural ritual.\n\nThe Manobo frin the largest of the ethnic groups of the Philippines in terms of relationships and number of linguistic divergences. The microsystemic environmental niches result in a wide distribution of the group, covering core areas from Sarangani Island to the Mindanao mainland in the provinces of Agusan del Sur, Davao, Bukidnon, Cotabato, and South Cotabato. Some of the groups occupy such a wide area that localized groups have assumed distinctive characters and formed separate ethnic grouping, such as the Bagobo, the Higaonon, and the Atta.\n\nA tentative—but more specific—classification that needs attention divides the Manobo into major groups that are then divided into subgroups as follows: (1) Ata subgroup: Dugbatang, Talaingod, and Tagauanum; (2) Bagobo subgroup: Attaw (Jangan, Klata, Obo, Giangan, Guiangan), Eto (Ata), Kailawan (Kaylawan), Langilan, Manuvu/ Obo, Matigsalug (Matigsaug, Matig Salug), Tagaluro, and Tigdapaya; (3) Higaonon subgroup: Agusan, Lanao, and Misamis; (4) North Cotabato: Ilianen, Livunganen, Pulenyan; (5) South Cotabato: Cotabato (with subgroup Tasaday and Blit), Sarangani, Tagabawa; (6) Western Bukidnon: Kiriyeteka, Ilentungen, and Pulangiyen; (7) Agusan del Sur; (8) Banwaon; and (9) Bukidnon. The various subgroupings are not precisely defined as of yet, except among the members themselves.\n\nSettlements are generally kin-based nuclear groups located on the ridges near the swidden fields. The communities are widely dispersed and placed on high ridges above mountain drainage systems. In some areas, long houses accommodate several families, usually including extended family memebrs. Leadership is entrusted to a highly skilled and socially powerful individual who builds up his following through various modes of alliances, including marriage. In a grouping, which usually comprises a traditional kindred community, one datu is recognized as the head. Datus are further grouped under a more sovereign datu, up through a political pyramid with a sultan and a rajah muda holding sway in a larger territory. Although the kin relationship is bilateral, a bias favors males for decision-making and leadership while women hold subordinate positions in society.\n\nHowever, the structure of leadership is gradually changing, with an overlay of the contemporary civil structures applied from the governor of the province down to the level of the sitio councilman, positions often assumed by better educated, younger-generation members of the community. The groups are largely Christianized though some local belief systems also survive. The national education system has largely penetrated the more concentrated areas and minimally the more inaccessible rural areas. Distinctly characteristic ethnic dress has mostly given way to commercial clothing, with ethnic materials retreating to the antique trade.
Philippines 1996 -
Kosrae (FSM) ICH: Weaving and Local House
There are many forms of weaving and many items which can be woven on Kosrae. These include the weave mat (kiaka otwot), fan (pal), basket (fotoh), thatch on the ridge of the roof of a house using coconut fronds (sraho), fahsuh (weaving thatch roof using Nypa palm used only), among others. Kosraean warp-striping weaving may be considered unique among weaving cultures due to its complexity. \n\nThe Kosraean word for weaving depends on the item being woven. There exists a variety of woven items which served as currency, reinforced family ties and other relationships, as well as honor. In some cases, a chant may be shared to ensure a girl’s future in weaving. In the past and on contemporary Kosrae, weaving can be found in the preparation of food baskets for funerals, fishing baskets worn on waist of women fishing in the lagoons, loom-weaving for belts (tol), thatch roofing, hats, and cordage for example. \n\nThere can be at least three known types of baskets important in food preparation: fusanie, in the form of a star and used in storing fafa, (2) usanie kapiel or fusanie sa nu which is a larger form of the previous one and woven from young coconut leaves, and (3) kuumpäl which is a kind of basket with handles made of coconut fronds and named after the woven plate. Weaving served not only a function but can be considered a marker of the past. One particular kind of cord can be called nosunap, named after the god Nosunap (also spelled Nasrunsiap or Nazuenziap). \n\nKosrae used to be one of the largest consumers of sinnet cord, suggesting significant movement. This is consistent with oral histories collected in the recent past which connected Kosraeans all the way to Satawal and Puluwat. Among the most common materials for weaving, banal fiber, hibiscus, and pandanaus stand out as the materials of choice. The preparation for each material depends on the item to be woven. While banana fibers may be most common, the hibiscus fiber is easier to dye. Dyes for strands of weaving materials may come from terminal leaves, certain types of mud, and mangrove calyx (black), turmeric (yellow), banana suckers (blue), or marinade citrijolia (red). Of these colors, red was the most prized. The preparation of weaving materials can be lengthy, depending on the plant. The hibiscus fiber needs soaking in sea water for several days while the banana fibers need to dry in the sun and then each fiber is separated into thinner strands. Elders on contemporary Kosrae continue to practice weaving for it serves many uses.\n\nCarving : Carving in Kosraean culture is carried out by the mukul (men). They carve many items, including tok yot (stone fafa pounder), tok sak (wooden pounder for taro and banana for a dish called ainpat), tah (an axe for cutting breadfruit), fuhfak (for wooden handle of an axe used for firewood), oak (canoes), tuhp in fafa (wooden tray shaped like a boat used for presenting fafa), and mwe ahryahr (wooden spoons of many types including long or short or flat ones). The laklak (outrigger of a canoe) is another item which needs to be carved. Carving of toys and wooden sculptures. Oars that are carved along with the canoes.\nBuilding Local House : There are many kinds of houses which can be built using Kosraean methods, including in um (a cooking house), imun oak (canoe house), and iwen monglac (local resting house). Building a local house has always been a community effort, even today; although, of the heavier work is done by the mukul (men) and the weaving for the thatch on the roof is carried out by the muhtacn (women). The mukul will go into the forest to obtain materials from the forest and sometimes from mangroves, depending the type of wood needed for a particular type of house. There are five main sizes of wood needed to build a house and ten parts of the house requiring these five sizes of wood. The sru (posts) are the largest size and heavy. Moving them may be accompanied with a work chant which serves as motivation in lifting, moving, or pulling of the heavy objects. The next size includes kaclacp, lala, and ohl. The kaclacp and lala supports the ohl, which sets the height of the house. The next size wood is used for pokwuhsr (trusses). The next size smaller is used for sahkpahsr (rafters) and folo (beams). The smallest size are for the kwesrihk which is only for thatch roofing (it is where the thatch can be attached) and sukunum which is placed to support the thatch from the bottom. Cutting down the trees is according to the Kosraean moon calendar as is moving the logs from one part of the island to another to use the logs. Paksak (literally, floating of objects) refers to the right time to move the log from one place to another using rivers or channels. This is dependent on the tide. This practice existed because transportation was not available during that time so they usually cut down these big logs and used the chant to get the log to the shoreline and then move the log in the process of paksak to its new location.
Micronesia 2020 -
Nawrouz, Novruz, Nowrouz, Nowrouz, Nawrouz, Nauryz, Nooruz, Nowruz, Navruz, Nevruz, Nowruz, Navruz
It is the New Year by solar calendar in Central, South and South-West Asia countries. According to sources, Navruz was one of the biggest festivities among Iranian and Turkic peoples. Mahmud al-Kashgari in his work called "Diwanu l-Lugat al-Turk" mentions about many folk songs, which were dedicated to Navruz. Also, the information about Navruz festivity can be found in such works as "The remaining traces of past centuries" (written by Abu Rayhan al-Biruni), "Navruzname" (by Omar Khayyam), and those written by Alisher Navoi, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babur and other scholars. \nIn the territory of Central Asia Navruz festivity was associated with the beginning of the New Year. As such, the preparations for it began several days ahead. Wheat was germinated and from its sprouts sumalak was cooked, dumplings with greens and samosas with mint were prepared. Also folk games were organized (such as horseracing, uloq, kurash, etc.), promenades were arranged, songs about spring were sung, terma and dostons were performed (by bakhshis). On the first day of Navruz children, living in rural areas, gathered in groups and sang songs dedicated to Navruz before the doors of houses. And the owner of the house, hearing these songs, came out, gave presents to children, and treated them with food. In their turn, children distributed one part of the food among widows and orphans living in the village. All these traditions and customs are still alive.
Afghanistan,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Tajikistan,Uzbekistan
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Rogon Ni Sum e Langad (History of Betel Nut Use in Yap)
This is the history of how native Yapese learned to use indigenous betel nuts (areca nuts). Native Yapese added pepper leaf and coral lime powder to betel nut and called it langad. Langad was not used by the native Yapese until it was introduced by a friendly ghost who was stranded on the main island of Yap several hundreds of years ago. The ghost, whose name was Llong, was left behind by his companion Luug. Llong then settled himself at the Ron’uw village in the northwestern part of the island. For some reason, Llong relocated himself to Gilyaboch village on the Gakaan peninsula on the western side of the island. There he lived and began making and setting fish traps along the water. Day after day, the natives saw him and wondered what he was doing in the water and who he was. The natives approached him and became friends with him. Llong taught them how to make fish traps and how to set them in the water to catch fish. When setting the traps, branchy corals were required to be placed on and around the traps to cover them. Collecting branchy corals almost every day for the traps, the natives asked Llong if those corals were edible, seeing that they were almost everywhere in the fishing ground. He replied that they were edible, but needed to be processed in advance. So they collected some of the branchy corals and brought them onto land. Thereafter, Llong taught and showed them how to make lime powder out of branchy corals. Llong explained that the powder shouldn’t be taken alone, but could only be taken with two more elements. Llong ordered the natives to bring betel nuts and pepper leaves. Native Yapese at that time used the trunks of betel nut trees only for building houses, but did not use the nuts. Llong gathered everything up and demonstrated how it use it. He added a little amount of powder in a split betel nut and wrapped a piece of pepper leaf around it, putting it in his mouth and chewing on it. After he chewed the mixture, he spat the bloody red liquid out of his mouth. It looked very interesting to the natives, so they tried it right away. Eventually, everyone had a chance to try the newly discovered products. They all felt high from using them and began singing, dancing, and enjoying the sensation until they all felt tired and wanted to take a nap. During their naps, Llong bestowed his blessings upon the langad ingredients so the natives would have the interest or the urge to use them again. When they woke up from the short nap, they were sober and all surprised to see the redness on their lips as well as the spit marks on the ground. They got worried and concerned that their chief in Lamear village might find out what they had done, so they kept it a secret from him. Later, they decided to pay the chief a visit and present him the langad. The chief tried it for the first time and was very impressed. He showed his great excitement, saying that he had never experienced such a euphoria. From then on, he proclaimed the tradition that the people should offer him the langad on a regular basis. This is the story of how native Yapese started using betel nuts. It began in Gilyaboch village, but quickly spread to their chief in Lamear village and to other allies on the island. This knowledge of chewing betel nut with coral lime powder spread throughout the island and became a tradition of the Yapese culture hundreds of years ago. Langad is now a part of daily lives in Yap. It is widely used for social gatherings, community meetings and events, funerals, and so much more.
Micronesia -
Nhịp đuổi(the Chèo melody) - Solo of the nhị two-string fiddle and the Chèo orchestra
Nhịp đuổi is one of the melodies in a Chèo play, called “Trấn thủ lưu đồn”. This melody was performed through the solo of the nhị two-string fiddle by Meritorious Chèo artist Minh Nhương,a Chèo troupe artist of Thái Bình province who was born in Khuốt village.Thái Bình is the sole place preserving the ancient folk Chèo at community houses.
Viet Nam 1999 -
Mas me Pwoan (Ulithi Traditional Marching Dance Chants)
The first part is a marching dance chant from Ulithi Island that used to be sung for log pulling. It served to help men pull logs from the jungle to the men’s houses. The latter part is a chant sung by men from Satawal Island. This chant portrays one of the popular names used by navigators during their voyage. It also tells how navigators should make good decisions during their voyages.
Micronesia 1996 -
Barsa Dinko Teej Lai
This is a women’s folk song sung during the Teej festival. The lyrics describe the pain felt by women who are forbidden by their in-laws to go to their fathers’ houses to celebrate Teej. The tempo of the song is slow.
Nepal 1905
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Quan Ho Bac Ninh in the North Vietnam
CD4 QUAN HỌ BẮC NINH IN THE NORTH VIETNAM\nQuan họ,a special alternate singing between men and women, was once only available in Kinh Bắc region in northern Vietnam. Traditional Quan họ was previously the folk art of forty-nine villages in Kinh Bắc, which is presently Bắc Ninh and Bắc Giang provinces.Quan họ singing has been associated with twining occasions in the past. Quan họ is often sung between two groups, called bọn Quan họ, who are living in two different villages and wanting to strike up friendship with each other. During annual festivals or their free time, the Quan họ people sing to satisfy their demand for exchanging art. They sing throughout the day and night. The twining relationship between the Quan họ performers as artistic and intimate friends has continued from forefathers to descendants; thus, they are never allowed to marry each other. Quan họ is one of the few musical forms that has alternate singing between men and women and lyrical love-exchange lyrics but has no the function of love-exchange in daily life as other love-exchange folksongs.\n\nNevertheless, Quan họ is sung not only by twinning Quan họ people but also by others from other places. People can sing Quan họ at many locations; for example, they can perform it at houses at night on normal days, at temples on festivals, on hills, in the forest, along the street, at ponds, or on boat.In Quan họ singing, the male group is called liền anh, and the female group is called liền chị. Traditional Quan họ is pair singing without accompaniment. One of the pair is in charge of singing, leading the tune while the other sings as a secondary part. These two people have to be selected and trained to be in perfect harmony at the same timbre. In addition to pair singing, there is group singing, which is performed on congratulatoory and worshipping occasions. The male group sings in response to the female one. Four typical singing techniques of Quan họ are resonant, ringing, restrained, and staccato.
Viet Nam 2015 -
Folk Music of Some Ethnic Minorities in the Central Highlands, Vietnam
The Central Highlands include five provinces: Gia Lai, Kon Tum, Đắc Lắc, Đắc Nông, and Lâm Đồng. This place is the residence of many ethnic minorities speaking two languages, Mon-Khmer and Malayo Polinesian. Ba na, Xê đăng, Mnông, and Xtiêng speak Mon-Khmer while Ê đê, Gia rai, and Raglai speak Malayo Polinesian. Local people in the Central Highlands have a very rich treasure of folk music. In religious festivals, music plays a significant role. The instruments such as gongs, after being played in festivals, are stored. They are considered sacred instruments and the properties that reflect the wealth of a family. In addition to religious music, folk music for daily life is equally as rich and includes music for love exchange, music played on fields, or music played in community houses. Indigenous people of the Central Highlands have innate musical talent. It is supposed that every person can become a singer and an instrumentalist. They are able to make instruments skillfully from bamboo, leaves, and stones, and they can perform music naturally, simply, and purely. The CD, called Folk music of some ethnic minorities in the Central Highlands, Vietnam, introduces some folk musical acts performed in daily life. These acts were recorded between 1977 and 1978 (track 1, 5, 11) and between 1997 and 1998 (the rest of tracks) and performed by local folk artists from ethnic minorities Ê đê, Gia rai, Xê đăng, Mnông, and Ba na in the Central Highlands.
Viet Nam 2015 -
Chants from Satawal and Woleai Atolls
This selection is about the history of navigation between Satawal and Woleai atolls. It shows how difficult it is to navigate between islands and how some people went missing during expeditions. It also features the history of traditional chants composed for log pulling. These were sung when native Yapese pulled big logs to build a canoe or traditional Yapese houses.
Micronesia 2017 -
Ca Hue(the Hue Singing) in Central Vietnam
CD7_CA HUẾ (THE HUẾ SINGING) IN CENTRAL VIETNAM\n\nCa Huế (the Huế singing) was a special traditional chamber music in Huế, a central city of Vietnam. Ca Huế originated from royal music. “There was the chamber music, serving the Nguyễn Kings and their mothers”. At first, Ca Huế was the chamber music performed in the palaces of royal families, mandarins, and wealthy people. After that, it spread to common communities. Ca Huế has been gradually influenced by many Huế folk musical types. During its development, Ca Huế affected royal music; for example, ten bản Tàu musical pieces (or it can be called ten bản Ngự or Thập thủ liên hoàn) were played in sacrifice ceremonies or some occasions in the court by royal instrumentalists. Ca Huế is the essence mixture of folk music and royal music, which creates the special nuance satisfying the artistic demand of the elite intellectual class and the common class. As a result, in the past, during happy occasions such as New Year ceremonies, parties for celebrating promotions, or parties for opening new businesses, Ca Huế was organised at the private houses of mandarins, the elite class, and Huế common people.\n\nIn the past, participants of Ca Huế included only the elite class, mandarins, and the people with erudite literary knowledge and with the ability to compose beautiful and profound lyrics. They played instruments together and shared their thoughts through instrumental music and singing. The singing and the instrumental music of one person was the inspiration for the singing and the musical composition of another. Group members were also the audiences. They enjoyed their mutual talents respectfully. In recent years, Ca Huế has been performed on stage to also serve the common people. In this musical type, there is a clear classification between composers, performers, and audiences like professional music. The interactive relation among group members of Ca Huế chamber music can be presently only found in Ca Huế in private houses.
Viet Nam 2015
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Tihar Festival in NepalTihar (also known as Deepawali, Diwali, or Yamapanchak) is the most celebrated festival in Nepal. It takes place on Kartik Krishna Pakshya (early or end of November) every year. The five-day-long festival is observed with various activities—the longest of which is the successive worship activities of animals.\n\nOn the first day of the festival, Kaag Tihar (crow worship) is celebrated by offering sweets and foods to birds, especially crows. In Hindu mythology, crows are considered the messenger of Yama (lord of death). As the cawing of the crows symbolizes misfortune, the devotees feed crows to avert grief and death they may cause. On the second day of the festival, Kukur Tihar (worship of dog) is celebrated by offering garlands, tika (red-colored paste), and delicious food to dogs. Dogs occupy a special place in Hindu mythology. As mentioned in the Hindu epic, Mahabharata, Bhairava, a fierce manifestation of Lord Shiva, had a dog as a vahana (vehicle). Yama, the god of death, is believed to own two guard dogs, each with four eyes. The dogs are said to watch over the gates of Naraka, the Hindu concept of hell. In the morning of the third day, Gai Tihar (worship of the cow) is celebrated by offering flower garland, tika, food, and grass to the cow. In Hinduism, cow signifies wealth and prosperity. In the evening, Laxmi, the goddess of wealth, is thanked for all the benefits families may have received by lighting diyo (oil lamps) or candles on doorways and windows; this gesture also welcomes prosperity and well-being. On the fourth day, Goru Tihar (worship of ox) is observed in similar way. Ox is regarded as the closest and most important animal as it assists Nepalese farmers to plough their land for farming. The fifth and the most notable day of the festival is Bhai Tika or Kija Puja. It is observed by sisters applying tika on the forehead of their brothers to ensure long life and prosperity. The Bhai Tika follows a traditional ritual in which brothers sit on the floor and sisters circle brothers three times, dripping the undefiled water (pure; not drunk by anyone) on the floor from a copper pitcher. Then sisters break the walnut with the stone which is placed on the middle area of the main door of the house, wishing that they could alleviate their brothers’ grief.\n\nAnother distinctive feature of Tihar is deusi or vailo, the traditional songs that are sung during the festival. Vaili, a group of people with musical instruments visit houses one by one to sing and dance mainly in the night. The host families highly appreciate the visit of Vaili to their homes and offer rice, fruits, roti (home-made round bread), and some money. A traditional oil lamp on a brass plate or on nanglo (a flat round woven tray made up of bamboo) is lit in the presence of Vaili. It is believed that Vaili blessings bring happiness and prosperity to the family.\n\nTihar is considered a culturally essential festival in Nepal as it preserves Nepalese traditional beliefs, recognizing not just the importance of human prosperity but also the significance of animals in the life of Nepalese cultural heritage.\n\nPhoto : Tihar © Anil GandharbaYear2017NationNepal
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Dizi, The Narration of Persian Family CeremoniesEvery nation has its comfort and social foods. Dishes play an influential role as a social object that interacts with people at the table. These recipes are more than just something to eat.\n\nAbgoosht or dizi is a unique, national, and comfort course in Persia. Relatively new, but shows the best of the culinary art in this land. In a word, abgoosht means meat and stock and is the general name for the mixture of meat, legumes, vegetables, and herbs with its own traditional eating habits, tools, side dishes, drinks, and even special dessert. It’s Persian folklore eating habits and a meal prescribed to cure illness.\n\nAbgoosht is a new dish in the Persian kitchen, but it descends from the mighty Safavid kitchen. Cooking a fine cut of lamb with spices between four to six and even ten hours is a subtle oriental cooking technique. The key to a good abgoosht is not losing any water during cooking so, chefs use many methods to keep the moisture locked into the pot. There are around eighty well-known types of this food in Persia, and the ingredients vary from region to region. Ingredients vary, even seasonal, and it follows today guidelines of sustainable food eating habits, and the meat can be substituted with the goat, veal, mutton, chicken, duck, etc.\n\nThis existing dish also has a special custom and tricky habit that would make this recipe even more interesting to try. First of all, you must strain the solid parts of the dish into a bowl and mash them with a mortar until it turns into a soft texture. The name of this part is Goosht-Koubideh eaten with warm oriental bread, herbs, and raw onion; the liquid portion is eaten with cracked and soaked bread like a soup. Abgoosht well developed after the Persian famines to not lose even one calorie of ingredients. So, when the “Goosht-Koubideh” is leftover, some cooks mixed it with eggs and fried the dough in a shallow pan to preserve the food even longer.\n\nSome unique Persian side dishes make the taste unforgettable, side dishes like torshi (pickled vegetables), fresh herbs (mostly reddish and basil), strained yogurt with shallots, etc. Dizi, is accompanied with a drink, a fermented savory yogurt-based beverage usually mixed with dried herbs like thyme or mint. And as the last course of the meal, it’s tradition to have a cup of hot black tea served with rock candy or some other Persian sweets to make the pleasure of trying a rich and nutritious Persian meal.\n\nAbgoosht is one of the most famous Persian dishes among the people, and it is enjoyed on busy days for lunch or after work. There are places around the bazaars in big cities that only serve dizi; these establishments are called dizi-sara (the house of dizi). People get together on big social tables, the floor, or even on beds in restaurants to enjoy this hearty meal.\n\nIn the past, four or even eight people shared a big pot of dizi without knowing each other, and that was a fun way to talk about politics, society, and work. Dizi is also served in ghahve-khane (coffee house) as a lunch that ends with two or three cups of tea with hookah for smoking as a dessert and listening to some ancient folklore narrations from the famous Shahnameh.\n\nThe name of ‘dizi’ itself reflects the pot that the food is cooked in. In Khorasan, artisans make dizi pots from unique stones that keep the heat long and effectively, which is it is one of the best pots for making dizi. The food is traditionally eaten on holiday lunches with the whole family gathered in elders’ houses. It is a social recipe that brings family members together around the table.\n\nYou can have dizi in many other countries around Persia, as culinary cultures with varied recipes have inherited it. Dizi traveled to many neighboring countries and mixed with their own kitchen. Piti is a kind of abgoosht famous in south Caucasian countries like Azerbaijan and parts of Georgia. Also, Iraqi people enjoy tashreeb, the same cooking pattern of dizi making and eating that assimilated in Iraqi culinary traditions.\n\nPhoto : Dizi feast © Mohammad ShirkavandYear2020NationIran