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ICH Elements 69
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Practices of Then by Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups in Viet Nam
Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.
Viet Nam 2019 -
Mongolian traditional art of Khöömei
The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.
Mongolia 2010 -
Traditional craftsmanship of the Mongol Ger and its associated customs
For thousands of years, nomadic herders of Mongolia roamed across the country-side from season to season. Dry, windy areas close to rivers are best for summers while areas away from river-bank wind and close to mountains or hills are best for winter stays. In the country where pasture always was and still is a public domain, the herders moved freely to the best locations for the season. With this lifestyle of freedom of movement and pastoral animal husbandry was invented the national dwelling called the ‘Mongol ger’. It is a round structure of easily dismantle-able walls, polls and a round ceiling covered with canvas and felt, tightened with ropes. The ger was designed to be light enough for Mongolian nomads to carry, flexible enough to fold-up, pack and assemble, sturdy enough for multiple dismantling and assembling as well as easy for regulating temperatures within. Over many centuries the mongol ger was modified into a perfectly aerodynamic structure which can withstand Mongolia's fierce spring winds ranging up to 18-20 meter/sec. It can be dismantled in half an hour and assembled in an hour by a small family with 2-3 adults. The Mongol ger has many varieties. The most common “5-wall ger” consists of five lattice segments forming a circular wall, a door, a toono (round window ceiling), two bagana (columns that hold the toono), and 88 uni(long poles that connect wall lattices and toono which forms the roof of the ger). There are also several accessories attached to the ger.
Mongolia 2013 -
Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017
ICH Stakeholders 1
ICH Materials 332
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Rituals Dedicated to Children
This film is about rituals related to children. Included are kyrkyn chygaruu, a ritual celebrating the fortieth day after a child’s birth; beshike saluu, a ritual of placing baby in the cradle; tushoo kesuu, a ritual of cutting rope tied around a baby’s ankles; and bata, a blessing ritual. Knowledge holders talk about the significance of each ritual in a child’s life cycle. The film shows how these rituals are conducted now and how they have evolved over time.
Kyrgyzstan 2017 -
Tholpavakoothu, Shadow Puppetry
Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.
India 2019
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2020 ICH NGO Conference : ICH and Resilience in Crisis
On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n
South Korea 2020 -
NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES
DVD2_NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES\n\nThe four hereditary musician castes of Nepal are Damai, Gandharba, Kapali, and Badi. The most visible of these are the Damai and the Gandharba musicians. The Kapali are temple musicians and the Badi are drum makers. Damai are required to play for the goddess of the ruling class and also to play at all types of ceremonies and rites of passage, such as weddings and Bratabhandha. They perform in a group known as a panchai baajaa, which is composed of nine musicians playing seven different musical instruments representing the five universal elements of earth, water, fire, air, and sky, of which all matter and living things are composed. The tyamko represents earth, the damaha represents water, the jhurma represents fire, the dholaki represents air, and the narasingaa, sahane, and karnal represent the sky. Panchai baajaa music is believed to keep the elements in balance and harmony and to result in therapeutic musical healing. The Gandharba or Gaine caste musicians traditionally travel from village to village and door to door singing bhajan (hymns), songs from the great Hindu epics, and karkha (historical songs of heroes and bravery), but also bring news. They accompany themselves by playing saarangi.
Nepal 2017
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A Shadow in a Grassland, Taliin Baraa
Mongolian folk songs are divided in three different categories, such as long songs, short songs and the authors’ songs. Folk songs are shorter than other forms of expressions with average durations of one to five minutes, but there is a high volume of them. Thus, restoring, categorising, and digitising folk songs were the most time-consuming tasks compared to others. Within the framework of the project, just under forty-eight hours of songs were restored and digitised.
Mongolia 1905 -
Benediction of Geriin, Geriin Yuruul
Mongolian well-wishing is a powerful expression of the miraculous capacity of words. It is one of the genres of Mongolian oral poetry that uses melodies. Briefly, benedictions (well-wishing) propitiate people’s future happiness and well-being through skilfully composed and recited poems. There are thousands of benedictions on various subjects. For instance there are benedictions recited while beating the sweat cloth of a saddle, while distilling milk vodka, while celebrating a birth, and while cutting an infant’s hair for the first time. Besides ancient benedictions, many contemporary benedictions are being kept at the ILL. These include benedictions for a new ger, weddings, a child’s first haircut, endowment practices, mare-milking ceremonies, foal-branding ceremonies, the People’s Revolution, and others for the military.
Mongolia 1905
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Folk Melodies of Nepal
CD4_FOLK MELODIES OF NEPAL\n\nIt has been estimated that Nepal's repertoire of folk melodies once numbered more than sixty thousand. The country’s landscape features rivers, hills, mountains, plains, and streams, as well as an extremely rich flora and fauna, which have all inspired Nepal's folk musicians. In the past, communities were more isolated from one another due to the difficult terrain and the lack of roads and transport. Thus, every small village developed its own melodies. For example, it is said that the call of the bharedwaja bird inspired at least 128 different rhythms.
Nepal 2016 -
Folk Songs of the Indigenous Castes
CD8_FOLK SONGS OF THE INDIGENOUS CASTES\n\nThe indigenous castes of Nepal have a variety of cultural events to mark different life happenings, from birth to death, which are all accompanied by music. These events depend on topography, and may vary even within a caste. Generally, people express their emotions through music in occasions such as Dashain , MagheSakranti , Purnima , or seasonal events, such as rice transplanting, rice harvesting, or millet plucking. In such festivals, each of the indigenous castes exhibits its way of life and culture through traditional attires, instruments, songs, and dances.
Nepal 2016
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Sounds from Mongolian Grasslands_Oral Traditions and Performing Arts in Mongolia
Sounds that Run in the Vast Grasslands of Mongolia_Oral Traditions and Performing Arts in Mongolia\n\nSince the early 1950s, the Institute of Language and Literature at the Academy of Science (ILL) has been sending survey teams one to three times a year to research and gather data on oral literature and local dialectics. These activities set the groundwork for officially establishing a new archive with written documents and magnetic audio tapes that could be used for research purposes and be maintained. Preserved on magnetic tapes are languages and dialects that have gone extinct, have lost their distinctiveness, or have been adsorbed into other languages or dialects.\n\nHowever, most of the magnetic tapes being kept at the ILL are more than sixty years old, and the expiration date on many tapes has already lapsed. Also, improper storage conditions have caused some tapes to dry out, cling to one another, or fracture. For these reason, it would be hard to transmit to the next generation. Accordingly, since 2008, efforts have been made towards restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes within the internal capability and capacity of the ILL. The lack of training, finance, and proper tools and technical equipment has, nevertheless, created several obstacles and the digitizing results have not been very successful.\n\nAt this crucial state, the ILL introduced a cooperative request to the Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage (FPNCH), and the FPNCH proposed that ICHCAP continue the joint project and take measures for restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes and distributing and disseminating the data among the general public. According to the above decision, the FPNCH and ICHCAP implemented the Joint Cooperation Project of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage by Using Information Technology from October 2011 to April 2012.\n\nAs the first stage of the project, the Expert Meeting for Safeguarding ICH by Using Information Technology was held in the Republic of Korea to exchange information with experts for digitizing and restoring the analogue data. The experts of Mongolian National Public Radio, the ILL, and the FPNCH started the project after sharing restoration and digitization knowledge with the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) of Korea, the National Archives of Korea, and the Korea Film Council.\n\nAs the main outcome of the project, a total of 715 hours of superannuated magnetic tapes including epics, folk tales, tales accompanied by the morin khuur, traditional arts, khuumei, chor, long and short folksongs, and traditional customs were restored, digitized, and categorized. Among them, 128 audio clips were selected and reproduced in a ten-CD collection called Sounds from the Mongolian Grasslands. The collection also includes a twenty-page handbook in English or Korean. Through this project, the general public’s, involved organizations’, and domestic and international experts’ awareness about Mongolian ICH increased, and the archive and music contents of regional ICH were strengthened.
Mongolia 2012 -
Melodies from Uzbekistan
In 2015, ICHCAP with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO and the Fine Arts Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan released the CD collection Melodies from Uzbekistan as part of its cooperation project to restore and digitize analogue resources on ICH.\n\nThis selection of audio resources are aged audio recordings stored at the Fine Arts Institute of the Academy of Sciences that have been restored and converted into a format suitable for storage and playback in media used today. The audio tracks in the collection consist of folk music recorded from field research conducted in Uzbekistan and border regions from the 1950s to the 1980s as well as studio recordings made from the 1930s to the 1970s. The eight CDs contain Uzbek songs related to work, animal rearing, rituals, and other important parts of day-to-day life in the region; instrumental music featuring various traditional Uzbek musical instruments, such as the dutor and g'ajir nay; and important Islamic oral traditions, such as maqoms and dostons.\n\nAlthough the traditional music of Central Asia may be unfamiliar to listeners from other parts of the world, the CDs come with information booklets in Uzbek, English, and Korean to provide an engaging experience for people from outside the region.\nThe selection represents the diverse and rich musical traditions of Uzbekistan and will be invaluable resources in the field of ICH education and promotion.
Uzbekistan 2015
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ICH Courier Vol.34 Wandering Minstrels and Songs of Blessing
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 34 is 'Wandering Minstrels and Songs of Blessing.'
South Korea 2018 -
2019 Living Heritage Series: Tugging Rituals and Games
This book introduces the tug-of-war traditions of Korea and the three Southeast Asian countries mentioned as well as the tugging traditions passed down in Japan, Thailand, and Ukraine. The book presents studies showing various conditions and perceptions of tug-of-war in each country. So, it will be valuable research material for those interested in tug-of-war.
Japan,Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Ukraine,Viet Nam 2019
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Tihar Festival in NepalTihar (also known as Deepawali, Diwali, or Yamapanchak) is the most celebrated festival in Nepal. It takes place on Kartik Krishna Pakshya (early or end of November) every year. The five-day-long festival is observed with various activities—the longest of which is the successive worship activities of animals.\n\nOn the first day of the festival, Kaag Tihar (crow worship) is celebrated by offering sweets and foods to birds, especially crows. In Hindu mythology, crows are considered the messenger of Yama (lord of death). As the cawing of the crows symbolizes misfortune, the devotees feed crows to avert grief and death they may cause. On the second day of the festival, Kukur Tihar (worship of dog) is celebrated by offering garlands, tika (red-colored paste), and delicious food to dogs. Dogs occupy a special place in Hindu mythology. As mentioned in the Hindu epic, Mahabharata, Bhairava, a fierce manifestation of Lord Shiva, had a dog as a vahana (vehicle). Yama, the god of death, is believed to own two guard dogs, each with four eyes. The dogs are said to watch over the gates of Naraka, the Hindu concept of hell. In the morning of the third day, Gai Tihar (worship of the cow) is celebrated by offering flower garland, tika, food, and grass to the cow. In Hinduism, cow signifies wealth and prosperity. In the evening, Laxmi, the goddess of wealth, is thanked for all the benefits families may have received by lighting diyo (oil lamps) or candles on doorways and windows; this gesture also welcomes prosperity and well-being. On the fourth day, Goru Tihar (worship of ox) is observed in similar way. Ox is regarded as the closest and most important animal as it assists Nepalese farmers to plough their land for farming. The fifth and the most notable day of the festival is Bhai Tika or Kija Puja. It is observed by sisters applying tika on the forehead of their brothers to ensure long life and prosperity. The Bhai Tika follows a traditional ritual in which brothers sit on the floor and sisters circle brothers three times, dripping the undefiled water (pure; not drunk by anyone) on the floor from a copper pitcher. Then sisters break the walnut with the stone which is placed on the middle area of the main door of the house, wishing that they could alleviate their brothers’ grief.\n\nAnother distinctive feature of Tihar is deusi or vailo, the traditional songs that are sung during the festival. Vaili, a group of people with musical instruments visit houses one by one to sing and dance mainly in the night. The host families highly appreciate the visit of Vaili to their homes and offer rice, fruits, roti (home-made round bread), and some money. A traditional oil lamp on a brass plate or on nanglo (a flat round woven tray made up of bamboo) is lit in the presence of Vaili. It is believed that Vaili blessings bring happiness and prosperity to the family.\n\nTihar is considered a culturally essential festival in Nepal as it preserves Nepalese traditional beliefs, recognizing not just the importance of human prosperity but also the significance of animals in the life of Nepalese cultural heritage.\n\nPhoto : Tihar © Anil GandharbaYear2017NationNepal
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Intangible Cultural Heritage: Enacting the past in the modern timesYenya Punhi (also known as Indra Jatra) is one of the most entertaining street festival of Nepal. Although it is celebrated in different cities where there is presence of Newa population. Kathmandu takes the claim to this festival as their main festival. Now this festival is even celebrated in different cities around the world such as London, Dallas, Baltimore, Sydney and Sikkim.\n\nYenya in Kathmandu is elaborate with multiple events taking place simultaneously indifferent corners of the city for eight days. Chariot processions of living gods and goddess, different mask dances, processions of people and deities, displays of Bhairav masks are some of the main events. So during this event every streets, courtyards and alleys in Kathmandu are filled with people, gods and festivities.\n\nIn the evening of the first day, people carry out procession called Upaku or palcha bi wonigu literally translated as – to distribute butter lamps. The family members of the decreased ones goes around the ancient city lighting incense sticks and placing butter lamps along the way at every cross roads and religious shrines. Some groups of people also follow the route singing bhajan (religious hymns) as well as young groups are seen with different traditional musical instruments.\n\nFrom the big temples to stupas, chaityas and even the smaller shrines along the procession route are decorated with flowers, lights and samayebaji (pile of beaten rice with different beans, meat and food items). Music, lights, religious hymns and people make the city into different ambience.\n\nThis event seems to be for entertainment but actually this is for those who passed away that year. Many people participating in the processions are dressed in white. According to the Newa ritual, the sons of the decreased member dress in white for the whole year. The local belief explains this ritual is to show the light to the soul of the decreased people the way to the heaven. And any wandering soul in the city gets way out.\n\nThe story of the procession route is as interesting as the event. Ancient city of Kathmandu used to be a walled city and people who go in upaku procession are walking around the outer boundary of the city. In 1769, Kathmandu was taken over by Shah king and then the walls were let to ruins, which is mentioned in the book Nepal Mandala by Mary Slusser.\n\nNow there are no physical traces of walls and gates but the intangible heritage like Upaku brings back the long lost physical memory of the city. These festivals and rituals are not just celebrating the present but also bringing back the memory of the past in present landscape. It is a way to tell the people of this generation about the past of the city.\n\nOral micro history is very important to know the people and place of the past, and it is even important in the context of country like Nepal. Rarely the history of people and ordinary structures are recorded. Kathmandu Valley is full of rituals, events and processions, which tell the stories of people and place from the ancient times. And in many instances the activities of the past gets recreated in the present context even though the lifestyles of people and urban morphology has changed in unimaginable ways. Continuity of intangible heritage is also the way to give continuity to the memories of place, practices and past.\n\nPicture 1: People taking part in procession, chanting religious hymns and placing lamps along the way. © Monalisa Maharjan \nPicture 2: Pile of unbaked clay pot with lamps placed on the road. © Monalisa Maharjan\nPicture 3: Temple decorated with flower, light and a pile of Samaybaji along the route of Upaku. © Monalisa Maharjan\nPicture 4: Small shrine with the offering of lights by the people on procession. © Monalisa Maharjan\nPicture 5: A decorated chaitya on the route. © Monalisa MaharjanYear2022NationNepal