ALL
offering
ICH Elements 129
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Practices of Then by Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups in Viet Nam
Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.
Viet Nam 2019 -
Khon, masked dance drama in Thailand
Khon is a highly-refined performing art that combines multiple artistic elements: musical, vocal, literary, dance, ritual and handicraft. It may have combined features of ancient genres: court ritual, martial art, and the shadow play. It tells the story of Ramakien – the localized Thai version of the Ramayana epic. Its many episodes depict the life of Rama, his journey in the forest, his love for his wife Sita, his army of monkeys, the fights with the army of Thosakan (Ravana), king of the giants, and his final victory. The dancers wear elaborately embroidered costumes. The giants and monkeys all wear masks that cover their entire head. The colours and shape of each mask are unique to each character. The drama is enacted through dancing, accompanied by a piphat classical xylophone ensemble, singing, and narration. Each major type of characters has a distinct mode of dance expression. The dance postures and movements, the music, and the repertoire have been handed down from generations since the 15th century. The masked dance performances form part of social practices such as royal cremation, cremation of high-ranking persons or revered monks, and celebration of sacred sites and temples. Dancers, musicians, craftsmen and other members of Khon community annually perform a ceremony to honour Khon masters of the past, teachers, and deities. During this ceremony, new members are initiated into the community. Khon performance is continually evolving with new interpretations, and the adoption of modern technology for stagecraft, whilst retaining its traditional intensive dance training and ritual.
Thailand 2018 -
Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet
Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana. Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.
Cambodia 2018 -
Meshrep
Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.
China 2010
ICH Materials 117
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Seated Tugging Ritual and Game - Preparation of the offerings to the saints
Seated Tugging is practiced in the village festival of Thach Ban Ward, Long Bien District, Hanoi city.\nThis village is situated on the land along the Red River dike. The people live mainly on farming and rice cultivation, so water is extremely important. The legend of Seated Tugging is rooted in the desire for sufficient water for life and production. Thus, the saints that people worship are all related to water. Seated Tugging expresses the desire for good weather and good harvest.\nSeated Tugging is done on the ground. A rattan rope is threaded through ironwood pillars fixed to the ground. The tugging game is played by two teams (nineteen people per team) sitting on the ground. One leg is bent, the other is straight, and the heels provide the leverage to pull. The teams also have to prepare gifts of sticky rice and a pig head covered with fat to offer to the saints. Seated Tugging is a ritual and a game, played in three-round matches at the Tran Vu temple festival. There is always a winning team. According to the compact of the community, it symbolizes luck and flourishing for the year. These compacts, concepts, and conditions for participation for Seated Tugging are prescribed\nby the community and maintained from generation to generation. The value of the ritual and game has a spiritual character and also expresses cultural creativity. It is the conversion of beliefs or desires into a cultural expression of offerings, rituals, and performances, which is reflected in the behavior between the two teams, as well as between the game participators, flag keeper, and drum player. All communities participate in the ritual and game voluntarily, fairly, and without rivalry.
Viet Nam -
Shrine with multi-coloured Torma offerings
Shrine with multi-coloured Torma offerings
Bhutan
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The Wonder Woman of Wood Painting highlight
Foshan Woodblock Painting is a kind of well-known folk woodblock paintings of South China. It is mainly produced in Foshan City, Guangdong Province, Consequently it was named Foshan Woodblock Painting.\nThere has been much important research on the history of Chinese New Year pictures, but there are still different opinions on how to rescue New Year pictures from the brink of disappearance and how to fit them into the modern life. As far as Liu Zhongping can see, the revival of New Year pictures is not something that can be achieved by making one or two field visits and publishing one or two articles, but something that needs to be acted out. That is to say, it is necessary to carry out social practice that help to activate traditional culture with a focus on inheritors rather than researchers.\nIn this regard, from the “Intangible Cultural Heritage Inheritors’ Training Program” to the “Revitalization Program of Chinese Traditional Crafts” to the recent “New Year Pictures Back to Spring Festival”, some explorations and attempts have been made around the inheritance and innovation of New Year pictures. From inheritor’s study and training to holding exhibitions and cross-disciplinary dialogues, from developing experience-oriented craft courses to developing new products and expanding sales channels, under the guidance of the intangible heritage protection concepts of “Seeing People, Seeing Things, Seeing Life” and “Leading by Usage” in the new era, New Year pictures practitioners, local people and all stakeholders have gradually regained confidence in the revival of New Year pictures.\nThe first step is always the hardest. On top of a good start, further progress is needed. It’s imperative to know the sticky issues and difficulties and come up with targeted, creative and feasible solutions. As a practitioner, She takes the liberty of thinking about several key points in practice, offering advice and suggestions to practitioners and decision-makers, and hoping to contribute to the revival of New Year pictures. China has entered the twenty-first century. The social scenes that endow New Year pictures with meaning year after year have vanished. It is very difficult for us to ask people to change their house gates back to the old-fashioned style, and it is also very difficult for young people to observe the traditional festival customs. However, what we can do is not only to enshrine New Year pictures in museums, but also to keep pace with the times and find a place for New Year pictures in modern life.\nThrough her effort and hardwork, she focuses on the innovation of Foshan Woodblock Painting and meets the needs young people She updates some painitngs, such as the mobil phones shell, schoolbags, notebooks as well as painitng gift packs. By the resurrection of the gods through a number of newly designed derivatives,now the paitings are popular among the local people. And she believes her master's dream as well as hers of continuing and spreading the national intangible cultural heritages have been realized
China 2019 -
Tholpavakoothu, Shadow Puppetry
Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.
India 2019
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Percussion and Performance - Drumming Traditions
CD8_PERCUSSION AND PERFORMANCE – DRUMMING TRADITIONS\n\nPercussion and drumming traditions are found all over India. A wide variety of drums and other percussive instruments are played in a variety of contexts, and frequently have ritual implications. This album presents two very different traditions: the tayampaka temple drumming of Kerala, and the dhol-damau of Uttarakhand, a combination that is used in various contexts in this mountain region. Both percussion traditions are forms of ritual drumming. Tayampaka is a genre of temple musical instrument art performed throughout North and Central Kerala. It can be performed on a variety of instruments but is most well known as a centa (tow headed cylindrical stick drum) composition usually played by marars, a temple drummer singer caste. It is one of the forms of the chenda melam or chenda ensemble. Though tayampaka is mainly performed as part of temple rituals it is also played in other contexts. As a temple ritual, the drumming is considered an offering to the gods or goddesses. In all the tracks presented here, a vocal performance is featured with the drumming. The tayampaka tracks were recorded by Rolf Groesbeck and are part of his collection. The dhol-damau of Garhwal in Uttarakhand is a twodrum ensemble. Though the double-barrel drum may be played by itself, the damau is never played on its own. The dhol is played while standing. \n\nThe drummer uses the left hand to strike the left head of the drum while a stick is used in the right hand. A variety of strokes are used on both drum heads. The dhol is known for its power and sanctity in all parts of India, including the Garhwal region. The damau is a shallow kettle drum that is heard almost exclusively in partnership with the dhol at outdoor rituals and entertainment events. The damau is played with two thick sticks slightly curved at the playing end. The dhol is considered female and the damau male. The term baje is used for the various drumming patterns. The dhol-damau performances presented in this album are related to the Pandav Lila ritual theatre and dancing of Garhwal in Uttarakhand. Actors take the role of the Pandavas from the Mahabharata epic which is acted out in the open. As they act, the performers get possessed by the spirit of the characters they are playing and begin to dance. Drumming is known to bring in a state of possession. There are specific baje (rhythmic patterns) for the various characters of the Pandav Lila. The tracks presented in this album are demonstrations, where the various baje are elicited and not part of an ongoing Pandav Lila performance where these patterns would not be audible. The tracks presented here were recorded by Andrew Alter as part of his research on the Pandav Lila. The audio was extracted from video recordings that were digitized for this project.
India 2016 -
Sacred Chants of Nepal
CD5_SACRED CHANTS OF NEPAL\n\nIt is believed that all spiritual chants are addressed to Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses. Chanting helps people to be aware that the past is gone, that the future has yet to come, and that one can only be sure of the present moment and should act accordingly. People chant to wish for goodness for all beings and to ask God to lead them from darkness to light, from mortal life to immortality, from falsehood to truth, and towards universal brother and sisterhood. One’s life should be dedicated to God's service, offering kindness to all creatures, and always to putting others' needs before one’s own aspirations, hoping to one day attain anandam.
Nepal 2016
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Celebrating Festivals During a Global PandemicNepal was famously referred to as “the land where there are nearly as many temples as houses and as many idols as inhabitants” by Sir William Kirkpatrick in his book Account of the mission to Nepaul in 1811 CE. This quote holds testimony to the numerous festivals celebrated throughout the year until today to commemorate these idols and temples. Since the seventh century CE, one such ancient festival has had continuity to relieve Kathmandu Valley from a long drought. The god being appeased in this festival was Matsyendranath, the god of rain, from which the festival received its name Rato Matsyendranath Jatra.\n\nAccording to legend, the drought was relieved by bringing a Matsyendranath from Kamarup-Kamakhya (now in east India). The king sent his team—the priest Bandhudatta, a farmer, and the serpent king Karkotaka. The entourage returned successfully and entered the valley through Bungamati, where the locals greeted them with much adoration and built a temple for the serpent king to reside. However, being from Patan, the farmer insisted on having the residence of the deity at Patan too. Since then, the festival has been celebrated in Patan and Bugamati without interruption.\n\nThis festival is celebrated just before the monsoon season (mid-April to May) as a harbinger of the rains. The festivity extends over a month and is the longest among the many festivals Nepalis celebrate. Astrologers are consulted for the events involved in this festival. The local community constructs an elaborate eighteen-meter-tall wooden chariot, which is assembled and dismantled annually. The deity is placed in the chariot on a throne, and the indigenous inhabitants of Kathmandu Valley pull the chariot around Patan. As the chariot rests at various locations, locals venerate the deity, offering incenses, flowers, and other items. Some people light oil lamps to ask for the general well-being of their families. The priest escorting the deity inside the chariot hands out flowers and fruit to devotees. The light from the lamps makes the chariot glow. In the evening, people invite extended families and friends and indulge in a feast of traditional food and drinks and merrymaking. After completing the tour, the deity is carried in a palanquin to its second home at Bungamati.\n\nThis year, the global pandemic changed the events of this festival. The government, rightly prioritizing citizens’ health, requested the organizing communities to cancel the festival. However, the organizers were keen to celebrate at least a low-key festival because the initial processes had already begun. Furthermore, they opined that the festival was celebrated to overcome a disaster in the past, so it should continue to avoid further tragedies. The public, impatient with the chariot festival’s delay, forcefully started pulling the chariot, disregarding social-distancing measures ordered by the state. The sight of a large mob would entice the police to use force to disperse the crowd, leading to a violent clash. The organizing committee decided to make a symbolic movement of the chariot. All other festival activities were canceled, so a ritual will be conducted to ask the god for forgiveness for the mishaps of the festival.\n\nThis is a very unpleasant situation, which could be handled better by the state. A similar chariot festival in Kathmandu, Kumari Jatra, which falls around August, was not celebrated on a joint decision of the state and the organizers. However, at Patan, the situation was slightly different; the initial rituals had already commenced before COVID 19. The government should have regarded the people’s commitment to providing continuity to ICH even during such times of crisis.\n\nNepal is known for having more festivals than the number of days in a year. If the state had been more diplomatic, it could have set an example to the world by celebrating all festivals in the presence of only the concerned people and authorities while broadcasting a live telecast for people all over Nepal and globally. With such negligence by the state, festivals and other ICH of a country can be lost.\n\nPhoto : Armed Police Force stand guard in front of the chariot of Deity Rato Machindranath. Skanda Gautam/THTYear2020NationNepal
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Significance of the Month of Shrawan in NepalThe Nepali annual calendar is full of life and filled with celebrations and festivals enjoyed by communities from different castes, ethnicities, and religions. Shrawan (July/August), the fourth month of the Nepali calendar, reflects greenery in the environment and in the lifestyle of women.\n\nThe entire month of Shrawan is dedicated to Lord Shiva, the supreme deity in Hinduism. Devotees offer their prayers and seek blessings from Shiva for success, prosperity, and a better conjugal life. Shrawan is filled with religious celebrations.\n\nLegend\nIt is said that samundra manthan (the churning of the ocean) took place during Shrawan. Through that process, a number of valuable rubies emerged from the sea along with the halahal (a deadly poison with the potential to destroy the world). Lord Shiva came to the rescue by consuming the poison himself. It is believed that his neck turned blue due to the poison’s toxic effects, thus earning him the name Nilkantha (the one with a blue throat). The other gods came to help Lord Shiva using the water from the Ganges. He wore crescent moon over his head to reduce the effect of poison and maintains the temperature of his body. It is also believed that Lord Indra came to help by showering him with rain to reduce his body temperature. This is why water (particularly of the Ganges), leaves of the bel plant (bilva leaves), and milk are offered to Lord Shiva during Shrawan to earn good fortune.\n\nFasting and Bolbam\nShrawan is one of the most sacred months of the year in the Nepali calendar, and people devote themselves to religious activities. Although devotees visit temples regularly, it is believed that offering prayers on Mondays during Shrawan has special significance. People perform pilgrimages, also known as bolbam, barefoot and in orange attire to bring pure water from the holy river and offer it in temples to Lord Shiva. There are different practices of fasting. Some avoid grains, salt, oils, and spices on this particular day only, whereas others avoid meat, garlic, onion, and ginger for an entire month. Mostly Hindu women and girls continue fasting during this month. A married woman observes a fast for their husband’s healthy life while unmarried women do so in the hope of finding a better life partner.\n\nHenna and Bangles\nNepali women and girls are often seen wearing green and orange attire, hennas, and bangles to mark this month. Nepalese markets are filled with brightly colored accessories and apparel for the whole month. The green color signifies not only the cultural spirit but also the environment, which is verdant after the monsoon season. Married women can be seen wearing colorful glass bead necklaces, known as potay, a symbol of marriage in the Hindu culture. The potay is an important piece gifted by a groom to his bride during the wedding ceremony.\n\nPhoto 1 : A holy pilgrimage bolbam ⓒ Riwaj Rai\nPhoto 2 : Bangles and glass beads necklace potay ⓒ Smriti Rai\nPhoto 3 : Henna ⓒMamta AcharyaYear2019NationNepal
Open Archive 3
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Myanmar Thanakha
Myanmar women adore Thanakha for its sweet fragrance. The botanical name of Thanakha is Hesperethusa Crenulata (ROXB.) ROEM. Thanakha plant or branch is cut into small sizes about 6 or 4 inches. If we grind Thanakha bark with a little water on a circular stone slab called "Kyauk Pyin", we will get a milky yellow liquid or Thanakha paste. Myanmar women usually apply Thanakha paste on their faces and hands and some prefer wearing the whole body.The practice of Thanakha culture has existed in Myanmar society since yore. Thanakha is still preserved as Myanma cultural tradition till today. Thanakha and "Kyauk Pyin" are inseparable. "Kyauk Pyin" is the circular shape of sand stone slab and its surface is elevated in the middle and there is a channel around the rim for the paste to drain into. Kyauk Pyin and Thanakha are essential for the practice of Thanakha culutre in Myanmar society. People use Thanakha for beauty but also for medicinal purpose. Sweet fragrant Thanakha paste is used for cleansing the face of Buddha Image. As Myanmar saying goes:"Mee Phone Hlu Pwe, Tabodwe", the scented bonfire festival is also held by burning Thanakha woods to offer warmth to the Lord Buddha in Myanmar month Tabodwe which falls in February. Because of extreme cold weather in Tabodwe, the scented bonfire or "Mee Phone Pwe" is held in the pagoda precinct with great devotion. In some areas, Thanakha-based cultural festival, "Thanakha Par Toe Pwe" is also held with great traditions. Ethnic women from the hills and the plains across Myanmar cherish and value Thanakha. Both men and women alike have been using Thanakha paste because of its cool sensation and positive effects. In addition that some put extra patch on their cheeks to protect from burning heat of the sun. The farmers and farm girls could get sweaty for working long hours in the field but they always feel fresh because of soothing effect of Thanakha fragrance. That is why Thanakha is the favourite of farmers and workers."Kyauk Pyin" and Thanakha wood can be found in every Myanmar household. Parents wear Thanakha to their offsprings. Likewise, uncles, aunts, elder brothers and sisters used to wear Thanakha to their young nieces, nephews as well as younger brothers and sisters. The farm girls and construction workers used to wear Thanakha paste very thickly for beauty but also for preventing the sunburn.The Thanakha growers and producers are also vital role in this element. Since ancient times, Thanakha culture has been preserving and practicing in Myanmar society. In Mynmar families, the tradition of wearing Thanakha is handed down from generation to generation. The parents, elder brothers and sisters, uncles and aunts never fail to put on Thanakha to young daughters and sons, nieces and nephews. While smearing Thanakha paste on the face, the mother also feeds fragrant residue to her baby. Thanakha plays a crucial role in the daily life of Myanmar people. In Myanmar family, the mother showers her infant baby and introduces Thanakha while praying the Lord to protect her baby from harms and dangers. The mother smears the wet paste of Thanakha on the kid’s forehead and later on both cheeks. The mother also feeds Thanakha paste to her baby which can protect chicken pox and measles. Because of the cool and pleasant Thanakha fragrance and the mother’s endless love, the baby feels great warmth and comfort. While applying Thanakha, the elders teach young children about the importance of good manners, ethics and moral values. Psychologically, Thanakha has positive effects for good concentration enhancing the power of wisdom and memory. Among seasonal festivals, the scented bonfire festival is held where fragrant Thanakha and sandal woods are burnt to provide warmth to the Lord Buddha with great devotion. Such kind of Thanakha-based festival has been holding on the Full Moon Day of Myanmar month Tapodwe which falls in February. Moreover, Thanakha is also used for the washing rituals performed at Mandalay Mahamuni Buddha Temple and such offering of Thanakha paste is renowned as the cultural values of Myanmar society. For fun and friendship, young people do whisking Thanakha paste on the cheeks of young visitors with great traditions in Yaw area.Thanakha is also used for Myanmar traditional medicine. Thanakha is common across Myanmar including the hills and the plains so also the rural and urban areas.Thanakha had long been used as atrditional cosmetic by Myanmar people and recently found ways to foreign market. Thanakha is the part and parcel of Myanmar culture. The paste of Thanakha is beloved to a diverse array of ethnicities and religion. Thanakha is worn by people of all ages, men and women alike, whether rich or poor. The practice of Myanmar Thanakha culture is for skin care, for beauty, to protect the sunburn so also as the traditional medicine. Thanakha is used at traditional festivals, social rituals and religious ceremonies. Although Thanakha wearing is common among people of all ages, women use for beauty and men use for skin care.
Myanmar -
Kathin
The offering of Kathin cloth or Kathin cloth is a ritual that believers or even monks perform rituals in temples to make Kathin cloth. There are two kinds of Kathin as "Choun la Kathin" is small Kathin and "Ma Ha Kathin" is big Kathin. Kathin has a fixed time for offerings. cannot be offered forever like any other cloth. This time, with only one month from the waning days of the first lunar month to the 11th day of the 15th lunar month 12 (12 lunar months), this period is called the transitional period Katin ceremony or festival. We also take place in the temple. Laotians march around the church three times carrying money trees and cloth for the monks. According to the beliefs of the Lao people, This acacia festival is organized for remedies or utilitarian benefits: (1) maintaining traditional good not to cease (2) is followed Buddha draws upon the breed of the Prophet (3) of the Securities and life with Russell kernels night (4) creates solidarity between Buddhist agency (5) a road to heaven and nirvana for themselves.
Lao People's Democratic Republic -
Wadangmet: The Dancing festival of Chhilings
Wadangmet, also known as Papani, is one of the greatest festivals of the Chhiling Rai people from the eastern hills of Nepal. Just after the Nepali Tihar festival (Sep/Oct) is celebrated, every Rai household in the community takes out the Dhol and Jhymta, musical instruments which are kept hidden in the house for a whole year. Pulling out these instruments signals the beginning of the festival which lasts for 1-2 weeks. My 80-year-old grandmother loved telling this and many other stories about the Rai culture. It is believed that divine Rai deities, Ambirahang and Rexihang, children of Budahang come to the village and shower their blessings on the people. Budahang is the king of the gods. According to the Chhiling legend, Budahang’s children ran away and secretly got married, a serious violation of Rai social and traditional norms. For breaking the taboo, they were banished from the village. The villagers, however, decided that couple could visit the village for one week every year. Wadangmet is celebrated to welcome the return of the banished couple with singing and dancing. During their stay, the community does not perform any other rituals or worship other souls and spirits. The celebrations begin on the full moon in November. As an offering, the locals take one half kilogram of rice (mana dhurne) to the local priest’s house. This offering, on the first day of the festival, is made to the unholy couple to encourage their blessings of eternal life for family members. On the second day the people gather at the priest’s house and, during puja, offer a pig and two chickens to the siblings. The same day, they clean and worship in the village courtyards. On the third day, the villagers gather at the Mukhiya’s (the head of the village) house with Dhol and Jhyampta to perform traditional dancing. They cut another pig and share the feast. On the fourth day, every household offers a pig to Ashik Hang (the king of blessing) for a long and healthy life. At this time the household’s future for the coming year is forecasted by performing the “Tharkibahal or Mangla” ritual; a chicken is offered to gods. If a chicken bleeds it is believed that family members will have a peaceful and healthy life for the coming year. If the chicken doesn’t bleed the family will have one year of uncertainty. The celebration continues for a fifth day in another village. On the sixth day the raucous celebration continues at the Mukhiya’s house in another village. Traditionally, the day also used to be an occasion for joking and courting among boys and girls. They would meet, fall in love and many would practice bhagibibaha; they would elope and be considered married. Wadangmet is the happiest time of the year. It’s a festival to celebrate life, community, friendship, love, music and dance. The final day of the festival is MangPankha; seeing off the deities. This is a week-long celebration at the Priest’s house that includes more rice and chicken puja, singing, dancing and playing the hidden musical instruments. People dance for whole night (and drink) and when the sun rises, they once again bid farewell to forbidden couple. Achita, rice used for the pujas, is considered to cure diseases. They save it for medicinal use throughout the coming year. No one knows how or when this festival began. My grandmother was filled with myths and fascinating stories about ancestors and how they lived. Regrettably, many of these stories are being forgotten but, Wadangmet is alive and well. Long live the Chhilings Rai people!
Nepal