The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.

India 2010

a) Traditional handicraft techniques The old art of manufacturing the traditional Iranian floating vessel, called Lenj, has remained relatively unchanged. Lenjes are, mostly, made for their large cargo capacity. The Lenj-Bum was, once, the best ship for the Iranian sailors and navigators. Even now, it is still competing with rivals. But the gradual decrease in the number of the long voyages is limiting the popularity of the vessel. Lenj-Bum is capable of tolerating the storms. Originally, Lenjes were used in commercial travels to distant destinations, including India and Africa. Lenjes are composed of various parts, each made of special types of wood, depending on their function. Contemporarily, Lenjes are used, solely, for short journeys, fishing and pearl hunting. Older Lenjes were capable of travelling for, even, one year. The Persian sailors used to launch their commercial ships from the three ports of Loft, Kong and Lian, in Bushehr. The marine routes were, however, more varified, and would include travels to Basra in Iraq, or to the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. Their main trades included dates, wood of Chandal, pottery, coconut and fruits. b) Knowledge and practices concerning the nature and the universe Before the introduction into the tradition of modern positioning systems, Iranian navigators could locate the ship according to the positions of the sun, the moon and the stars. An individual, called Moallem (“teacher; guide”), was responsible for the positioning jobs on the Lenj. Looking at the sun and the stars with his means, including the Persian astrolabe and sextant, at 6 AM and 6 PM, he could locate the Lenj on the sea. Navigation at night was the captain’s duty. He would order a Sokkāni (“helmsman”) to lead the ship into the direction of a specified star till the moment of sunrise. Compasses brougth more convenience for the navigators. They could define the routes more delicately, by utilizing a combination of astronomy and the newly introduced compass technology. The sailors started to record the stars’ specifications on the compasses. Using this combined method, they would define the route at night. The number of stars used as reference points was 17; they would be repeated in both northern abd southen directions round the compasses. The navigational knowledge and legacy is still passed on from fathers to sons. The Iranian navigators also had special formulae to measure the latitudes and longitudes, as well as the water depth. Sailors needed the wind in favour in their travels to the south; they would arrange for their voyages according to the seasonal winds that would blow every 6 months from north to south. They also attended to the particular winds of Persian Gulf to find a forecast for weather. Each wind had a native regional name. Knowing the wind route was not enough to trace the time of a pending storm; they also attended to the color of waters, the wave heights, or the nature of the blowing wind. c and d) Performing arts, Social practices and festivity events The majority of the Iranian inhabitants of the region earn their livelihood from the sea; consequently, the Persian Gulf continues to receive their respect. A number of traditional ceremonies and customs about Lenjes and the sea show their rooted symbiosis with nature. Nowruz-e-Sāyyad (Fisherman’s New Year) is one example. The celebration occurs late in the month of Tir (June 22nd), as a surviving traditional ceremony from the distant years. No fishing, no trades, and no sea journeys are allowed on this day. In the morning, the children colour animal foreheads, with red clay; and by sunset, all villagers gather on the seashore to play music or perform the proceedings of Shushî, an old traditional performing art, showing the sailors’ respect for the nature. Some people wear special clothes and masks, and try to represent sea-gulls. When the native music band plays Rezif (the sailors’ traditional music), suddenly, a number of men with fearful appearances come out of the sea, and pretend to attack the people. They are Shushi’s, the old demons who were asleep, and now the new years’ eve has awakend them. Interestingly, the people enter dialogues with these demons, and encourage them to join in the feast. Bādebān-Keshi (“setting the sail”) is another surviving ceremony. Long ago, when the ships were about to leave for long voyages, by the time the sailors were setting the sails, the music would accompany from the shore. The sailor’s families would bid farewell. Specific music and rhythms constitute inseparable parts of sailing on the Persian Gulf. In the past, the sailors sang special songs while they were working. In Hormozgan province, three such musical traditions are, still, attended by the locals: Livā, Rezif and Azvā. The singers describe a marine travel in their songs. Traditional bagpipes, named Neyanbān, accompany. The ritualistic performances are reminiscent of the jobs on the Lenjes. The movements resemble hoisting the ropes, rowing, holding in the fishing nets, and also separating and classifying the fish. e) Oral traditions and expressions, including languages as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage There are traditional sailing terminologies, stories and poems (Sharve) related to the nominated element in modern Iranian languages and dialects of the region. These linguistic varieties are representable as: 1.Lārestanî :(Aradi,Evazi,Bastaki,Banāruye-yi,Bikhe-yi,Khonji,Fedāghi,Fishvari,Gerāshi and Lāri) 2.Bashākerdî/Bashkardî :(Bandar-Abbāsi,Rudāni,Minābi and Hormozi) 3.Kumzārî :(Lāraki, …)

Iran 2011

Trống quân singing (i.e. folk singing with drums) usually takes place on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month every year. This kind of folk singing is sung not only for entertainment, love exchange during the leisure time of agricultural seasons, but also for prediction of the weather for the upcoming work by watching the moon and stars. Trống quân singing of Liêm Thuận commune has its own characteristics of the people living in lowland fields. Due to their life attached to water, they need to communicate on the water. As a result, water culture is created and Trống quân singing is taken to perform on boats and becomes a cultural beauty of this land

MAHALLA is an administrative territorial unit in Uzbekistan. The way of self-management is characteristic of the traditions and values of our people. The term "Mahalla" is Arabic and means "place". A neighborhood is a small administrative area, but it is also a community of people connected by a common lifestyle, values, traditions, and customs. The main tasks of the neighborhood were to hold ceremonies together, to maintain and beautify its territory, to educate the young generation in a social spirit, to ensure order in the life of the community, to control the implementation of all traditional norms, and to observe customs. The neighborhood elder organized other public works related to neighborhood improvement. All these works were done together by hashar.

Uzbekistan

Kazakhs since ancient times to the beginning of the twentieth century used the ancient folk calendar. Traditional Kazakh annual calendar consists of twelve year animal cycle, called 'mushel' ("mushel"). It was this: 'tyshqan zhyly' (year of a mouse); 'siyr zhyly' (year of a cow); 'barys zhyly' (year of snow leopard); 'qoyan zhyly' (year of a hare); 'ulu zhyly' (year of a dragon); 'zhylan zhyly' (year of a snake); 'hylqy zhyly' (year of a horse); 'qoi zhyly' (year of a sheep); 'meshin zhyly' (year of a monkey); 'Tauyq zhyly' (year of a hen); 'eit zhyly' (year of a dog); 'dongyz zhyly' (year of a pig). The choice of these animals was mainly linked to them due to its sacral meaning.

The element consists of knowledge, skills, and practices concerning management of tea plantations, picking of tea leaves, manual processing, drinking and sharing of tea. Based on natural conditions and local customs, tea producers have developed six categories of green, yellow, dark, white, oolong and black teas, as well as reprocessed teas like flower-scented teas, which results in over 2,000 tea products. Processing tools are woks, bamboo trays and drying frames, etc. Core skills employed include shaqing (enzyme inactivation), menhuang (yellowing), wodui (piling), weidiao (withering), zuoqing (leaves shaking and cooling), fajiao (oxidation or fermentation) and yinzhi (scenting). All these teas, with their diverse colors, aromas, flavors and shapes, meet different needs of people. Tea is ubiquitous in Chinese people’s daily life. Steeped or boiled tea is served in families, workplaces, tea houses, restaurants, temples, etc. and applied as an important media for communication in socializing and ceremonies such as wedding, apprentice-taking and sacrificing. Practices of greeting guests with tea and building good relationships within family and among neighborhood through tea-related activities are shared among multiple ethnic groups, and provide a sense of identity and continuity for communities, groups and individuals concerned. During the transmission, the element has nurtured systematic knowledge, extensive social practices, proven traditional skills and abundant handiwork. It reflects Chinese people’s values of modesty, harmony, comity and respect, and has profound influence on moral cultivation and personality shaping. It also facilitates exchanges and mutual learning among civilizations through the Silk Roads, hence playing a significant role in sustainable social development.

China 2022

‘Sada Shin Noh’ is a performing art expressed by the people’s dance-like movements to musical instruments such as drums to re-enact the power of the deity with which the people are blessed. It is always performed on September 24th and 25th every year on a special stage, called Gakuden, constructed within the precincts of the Sada Shrine which is the tutelary presence of the community. During these two days at Sada Shrine, people replace the rush mats, called Goza, with new mats on which the deities seat themselves. The replacement re-enacts the deities’ power. During the performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, a ritual dancer performs with Goza in his hand. The Goza are purified by this dance. People consider that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is indispensable to the re-enactment of the deities’ power. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is also performed at other neighbouring shrines, whenever requested. The repertoire, choreography and music in ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are traditionally fixed. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is accompanied by flute music, three types of drums and singing. The players sit down around the stage, and the dancers perform at the centre of the stage. The repertoire performed in this performing art is classified into three categories. The first seven numbers belong to Category I. The performers do not wear masks, and perform the ritual dances with swords, holy wooden sticks, and bells in hand, depending on the number. In the ritual dance, Gozamai, the dancers perform with the rush mats for the deities in their hands in order to purify them before serving them to the deities. Category II has the three ritual dances performed with a mask of an old man. It is said that these dances were performed in Kyoto in the early seventeenth century. Category III has twelve numbers called Shin Noh which are performed with a mask of a deity. Japanese myths are depicted through these dances. This composition of dances is a typical example of Japanese performing arts. However, the main feature of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is the dance of purification of the deities’ seats. People believe that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ should be regularly performed in order to re-enact the power of the tutelary deities in the community. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is natural and nothing special in the daily lives of the people around Sada Shrine who share the worship. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is an interaction between people and the deities that supports and guarantees a rich and peaceful future for the people, their families, and the community, making the social and cultural functions of “Sada Shin Noh” significant. The people who worship Sada Shrine as a tutelary presence are eager to transmit ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They have practiced diligently to acquire the skills needed for their performances, and have been publicly approved by the people of the community. Those who are in charge of the transmission of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are first, the members of the Association for the Preservation of Sada Shin Noh. They are ordinary citizens engaged in respective jobs, but they practice regularly and have acquired the traditional performance formula. They bear a direct responsibility to perform it in a traditional style in public. Second are Shinto priests, who maintain the Sada Shrine. They have the responsibility of offering the opportunity and place for the public performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’. Third are people inside and outside the community, who consider it necessary to continue transmitting ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They appreciate the public performances of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, and make financial contributions to the Shrine and the Association from time to time. The people of the community have long regarded ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as an important performing art. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the National Government in 1976, it has been widely recognized in Japan as an important element of the Japanese cultural heritage that indicates the transition of the Japanese lifestyle. The transmitting group and community consider ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as one of their own distinctive cultures of which they are proud. By transmitting and performing it in public, it offers them an opportunity to renew a sense of identity with the community and society, thus contributing to its continuity.

Japan 2011

Semah; originated from the Arabic word sema meaning heavens, fortune and hearing. Semahs are the most effective instruments for the transmission of Alevi-Bektaşi tradition. Semah is one of the main twelve services of the cem rituals which are considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents. It is possible to encounter various kinds of semahs across Turkey with different musical characteristics and rhythmic structures. The fact that there are variations in melodic and lyrical structure of semahs with the same name is an evident sign of the richness in semah culture. Centuries of oral transmission of semahs from generations to generations has enabled a rich diversity among semah culture. One of the main principles on which semahs are conceptualized is the unity with God which happens through a natural cycle. In this cycle man comes from God and goes back to God which resembles the circulation of the celestial bodies in the universe. However, man is the locus of this circulation. God is omnipresent and semah is the way to reach God. Hand and body motions in semahs have symbolical meanings. For instance, the motion in which one palm faces the sky while the other faces the earth is meant to say “You are God, we are the people, I come from You and hold your essence in me, I am not separated from You”. The motion in which palms first face the sky and then turned to the earth is meant to represent the same thought. When semahçıs (semah dancers) face each other just like in Tahtacı Semah it means that God is present in man and people facing each other will witness the divine beauty of God in man’s visage. The motion in which semahçı (semah dancers) turns the palm of his hand to his face represents man seeing his own beauty in the mirror and therefore he also witnesses the divine beauty of God. When both palms facing the sky are pulled towards the heart it is meant “God I am Man, so God is in me” or “God is in Man”. Semahs are categorized into two groups: 1- İçeri (private) semahs / Order semahs 2- Dışarı (public) semahs / Avare semahs İçeri Semahs (Order semahs): They are performed in Cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents) where 12 services are carried out. It is not desirable to perform içeri semahs in front of those without the faith. They are performed in three phases: - Ağırlama: The prologue with slow movements. - Yürütme: The phase when the semahs gets faster and livelier. - Yeldirme: The last phase when the semah is the fastest and hardest to perform. While this three-phase composition of semahs is very prevalent it is possible to see other kinds of performances as well. In some semahs it is very difficult to distinguish these phases from each other. Dışarı Semahs (Avare semahs, Yoz Semah or Mengis): They are performed independent of 12 services for the purposes of teaching the semah culture to younger generations or simply entertaining. Nevertheless, they are still loyal to semah principles. Dışarı semahs are mostly comprised of two phases; ağırlama and yürütme or ağırlama and yeldirme. Although semah performances vary according to regions, the main characteristics are common: - Semahs are performed by both women and men, - While semahçıs (semah dancers) in içeri semahs are limited in number there is no such restriction for dışarı semahs. - Semahçıs (semah dancers) start the semahs saluting and inviting each other. - While performing semah, semahçıs (semah dancers) are in a circular order or facing each other, without touching or holding. - Bağlama is usually the accompanying instrument to semahs but there are some regions where other rhythm instruments are also played during semahs. - While there is no specific attire to be worn in semahs it is not uncommon to wear traditional clothes in rural cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents). - When concluding semahs, dedes (spiritual leaders) usually say a prayer. - Transmission of semah occurs through the performance of the tradition. The basic characteristics and universal values reflecting the understanding of tradition bearers of Semah are as follows: -According to followers of Alevi-Bektaşi belief, every human being has a divine essence and they see man in unity with God called as the belief of “En-el Hak” which means “I’m God”. Thus, during the worship they prostrate towards one another. - Seeing man in unity with God, they internalize a humanist philosophy - According to Alevi-Bektaşi belief, sharing is of great importance in social life. “Musahiplik” (a kind of fellowship as regards to Alevi-Bektaşi belief) in which each individual chooses one another as a spiritual brother or sister committing to care for spiritual, emotional, physical and financial needs of each other, for the purpose of creating a type of communion intimately tied. - Alevi-Bektaşi believers object gender discrimination, therefore they pray side by side. - Alevi-Bektaşi followers consider offending human being as equal to offending God; hence, through establishing a kind of judging mechanism called “düşkünlük”, they use a sanction power over the members to prevent them from committing misdeeds. If one commits any of those, s/he is declared as “düşkün” (shunned) and temporarily or permanently excommunicated from the community or society. - The practices, traditional motifs and teachings are orally transmitted rather than written sources and distinct genres of art and literature particular to the tradition, thereby, have been created. - They practice their authentic worship and cultural transmission through expressions like lyrics, music and Semahs.

Turkey 2010

Gar-zo (Blacksmith/iron craft) is one of the Bhutan's 13 traditional crafts and is considered as one of the earliest crafts/arts of the Bhutanese people. It is believed that it was introduced by a Tibetan saint known as Dupthob Thangtong Gyalpo in the 14th Century. He is revered by the Bhutanese people as a master engineer for his skill in casting iron chains and erecting them as bridges over gorges. He is supposed to have built eight suspension bridges in Bhutan. One can still see one of the bridges crossing over the Paro Chu, on the road from Paro to Thimphu, and linking the highway to the famous Tachog lhakhang (temple). The remains of another bridge can be viewed at the National Museum in Paro. However, J. LaRocca,D (2006) in his book mentioned that Dupthob Thangthong Gyalpo came to Bhutan for the first time in 1433-44 to gather the iron ore to build bridges in Tibet. The iron he collected was forged into 7000 links by a team of 18 blacksmiths from five villages near Paro, one of the village was Woochu where the art is still practiced today. It was believed that Thangthong Gyalpo distributed 18 anvils as a token of gratitude among the blacksmiths gathered and blessed them to earn their livelihood and flourish the craft. The donation of iron chain links to Dupthob was an evidence that the people of Woochu practiced the iron craft way before Thangthong Gyalpo’s visit. Unfortunately there are no records and even the oldest living master blacksmith had nothing to substantiate on this matter. There were many places in Bhutan that manufactured iron handicrafts before but with passing time the art and skills faded and only few places are still practicing it today, one of it being Woochu. The origin of black smithy in Woochu is lost in antiquity. There are no records or documents to trace the origin of the art. However, oral accounts of some elderly people posits that the art might have started out of necessity. Before Woochu was known for its famous blades, it manufactured agricultural tools that were used by the locals. Moreover, recent findings showed that a large forging took place near the place where the iron formation was found. Gaw (Blacksmith) Phajo also believes that the founding of black smithy will not be possible without the iron ore. So he supports the idea of the foundation of black smithy due to the iron ore that was found in the area. The blacksmiths of Woochu manufactured and repaired agriculture tools for the locals before it became known for the famous Woochu blades. Woochu blades are very popular and are known for their tensile strength and durability. There were only three iron craftsmen with traditional knowledge and skills before, all are officially retired now. Blacksmithing, a traditional craftsmanship handed down for several hundred years, was on the verge of extinction. With not many blacksmiths remaining and even lesser apprentices showing interest in learning the skill. Those who used to practice the trade has died and some were retired. The younger generations seemed disinterested in taking up the art. Initially the blacksmiths in the area took up the art as part of earning daily wage. It was like any other job that fetched money. Moreover, the job of a blacksmith was physically tiring, and the social stigma that the trade carried was perhaps another reason why it has failed to attract the attention of the younger generations in the community. The blacksmiths were looked down in the community. The art of crafting fine Bhutanese swords was on the decline. In 2016, His Majesty the King commanded for a training center to be set up in Woochu to revive the dying art. Reviving the centuries-old trade was challenging but not impossible. Royal Metal Craft Center (RMCC) was an intervention aimed at reviving and promoting dying crafts and reinstating it as a source of livelihood. The center is now established and works are underway to further develop it.

The tradition-bears of the gong culture are the seventeen Austro-Asian and Austronesian ethno-linguistic communities living in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Gong music is an integral part of the life cycle of each person and important agricultural events of the community, performed in a wide range of ceremonies and rituals, such as ear-blowing for babies, weddings, sacrifice buffalo, abandoning grave, worshipping water troughs, celebrating new rice, closing rice storehouse, celebrating new communal house, so on. It is believed there is a god in each gong, a protecting shield for the family. Having gongs represents wealth and power. Gong ensembles in the Central Highlands are communal, each performer plays one note. Every member in the ensemble must remember the rhythms and melodies so that they can harmonize with other performers. Depending on the ethnic groups, the gongs are played by hand or with wooden sticks wrapped in cloth, leather or rubber strips. Each gong ensemble has between 2 and 13 flat and knobbed gongs with a diameter ranging from 25 to 120 cm, played by both men and women. Peoples in the Central Highlands often buy gongs from Kinh people in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai provinces, or even in Laos and Cambodia. The gongs are re-tuned in order to have the desired sounds. In the past, almost every village had a gong tuner. Today, there are only a few remaining gong tuners in the region. Economic, social and religious transformations have dramatically affected the lives of the local communities here. The safeguarding of gong space in the Central Highlands is thus more challenging. Senior tradition-bearers are passing away, while few people master the traditional rituals. Some major rituals with gong performance are no longer practiced. Younger generations are is less interested in traditional culture. Buffalo sacrifice is banned in many localities. Rice cultivation is altered with industrial crops. The instruments become trade items for other purposes. Nonetheless, the government is doing its best to ensure its practice and transmission.

Viet Nam 2008

The origin of basketry in the Pacific can be traced back to the early European exploration that changed the islanders’ way of living. Intensive European exploration changed the attitude and economy of the indigenous people that ultimately led to the change in the nature of the artifacts made. Baskets during these early times were mainly used in trading. Basketry in the Pacific Islands share similar characteristics in one-way or another, whether it be similar designs or similarity in raw materials used. Mostly across the Pacific, coconut leaves are used to make baskets; from simple designs to complicated ones. Many Pacific Islands use reed or vines to make baskets as well, and in rare cases, from bamboo stems. Traditional baskets woven from bamboo stems can be found from a district in Fiji called Navatusila. This traditional basket shares some similar and different features in comparison to other traditional baskets across the Pacific. Navatusila, a district in the mountains inland on the main island of the archipelago, Vitilevu, is known throughout Fiji and perhaps around the world for its past that many believed was a turning point in Fiji’s Christian history. However, this event is part of history and needed not hinder the fact that Navatusila, like many Fijian traditional settlements, still practice traditional skills and knowledge that is unique to the people in expressing social and cultural identity. Nubutautau, a village in Navatusila, has a bearer of high knowledge and skills in weaving a traditional craft known as tabekasere. The knowledge and skills in weaving the tabekasere is only held in Nubutautau in all the Fiji Islands. This unique craft came to light post Cultural Mapping Program held in February 2016 by the Ministry of iTaukei Affairs, iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture. Thus, the bearer of knowledge and skills in making the itabekasere is recognized as a Living Human Treasure, as it was discovered at that time that a lone person possessed the knowledge and skills.

Gelong, monks and Zhung Dratshang, Central monastic body or Geduen lobdra, monastic schools in Bhutan play an important role in religious and cultural life of the different sections of society. In the past, each family enrolled at least one of their sons into the local monastery, so that monks constituted a considerable proportion of the male population. Although this percentage has declined with the passage of time, the roles of the monastic community have increased in recent years. The Head Abbot or Je Khenpo, who is responsible for the nation’s religious affairs, holds a prominent place in the social and cultural life of the people. Five deputies or senior masters assist him in supervision across the kingdom. Below them are the monks of other ranks with specific responsibilities. A boy may be enrolled in the monastery at an early age, on an auspicious day. He starts to wear the maroon robe and his head is shaved. The novice receives ordination step by step, based on the monastic code of conduct specified in the Vinaya. The curriculum begins with the learning of the alphabet, spelling and reading, and advances to the memorisation of prayers and other relevant texts besides observing daily monastic rules of discipline. They also learn various ritual arts, metrical rhymes, trumpet playing, making ritual cakes etc. As they proceed to higher classes, they learn grammar, prosody or literary science, in preparation for pursuing higher Buddhist philosophical studies. After having gained a basic proficiency in religious studies from the monastic schools, the monks graduate to higher Buddhist philosophical studies. Besides emphasising liturgical, doctrinal and esoteric scriptures, monastic education also offers training in the auxiliary sciences and arts such as medicine, astrology, calligraphy, painting and grammar. The novice monk is eligible for full ordination only after the successful completion of a graded nine-year course. The entire period of study encompasses fifteen to twenty years. Needless to say, many whose abilities fail to meet the progressively higher standards settle for the lesser monastic grades, while the select few, in accordance with their accomplishments, rise up the hierarchical ladder. The monk’s education does not end with his gaining proficiency in Buddhist studies alone in the Buddhist colleges. After receiving theoretical teachings, he must undergo retreat for three years to practice meditation, called ‘losum choesum,’ which means three years and three faces of a month (the first face from the 1st day to the 15th day which is known as upper-face, the second face from the 16th to the 30th, known as the lower-face. Choesum means a complete month – upper and lower faces – and the upper face of the following month, which makes one and a half months). Performances of rituals on daily, monthly and annual basis are part of the normal monastic life. The monk must master different types of instruments including the trumpet, drum, clarinet and cymbals. Since almost every important occasion in the life of the average Bhutanese is coloured with religious significance, monks also visit households to perform annual rites for diverse occasions such as birth, marriage, sickness, death, construction of houses, promotion of senior officials, inaugural functions and many other day-to-day needs.