Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in most of the Buddhist countries from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide in’. The Sanskrit term for Yarney is Varsavasa (varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence’) meaning ‘residence for rainy season or residence during rains’. The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney which literally means Summer Retreat. \n\nThe origin of Yarney can be traced back to Lord Buddha some 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and solely depended their sustenance on alms round. However, during summer, it was not practical for Lord Buddha and his Sangha to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours due to heavy monsoon rains.\n\nSummer was also the peak time when insects and worms would reproduce and inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. It was also common trend at that time for Non-Buddhist (Tirthikas) to criticize and accuse the Buddha’s practice of alms round, reasoning that especially during the summer walking around for alms round killed several animals and insects.\n\nSo in order to protect insects and worms being injured or killed while walking as well as crops in the fields from being crushed; or avoid injuring themselves due to the monsoon rains, flooding and displaced wildlife and also to avoid being criticized and accused by non-Buddhists for killing tiny beings, the Buddha established a rule that members of Sangha would not travel during the monsoon rains. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places (monasteries) each summer as summer or rainy season retreat. The place where "Yarney" was observed must be conducive to spiritual and mental development of the monk as one of the main object of observing "Yarney" was to practice meditation besides preaching the Dharma more often to lay devotees. The period for the retreat was determined as three months by lunar calendar and, would usually start in June or July and would continue until sometimes in September or October. Since then, there came into practice formally the precept of observing Yarney – the retreat during summer or the rainy season by Buddhists. \n\nThe Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings (through questions and answers), based on which in the later period of time that the sutras were said to have been written down.

Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in most of the Buddhist countries from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide in’. The Sanskrit term for Yarney is Varsavasa (varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence’) meaning ‘residence for rainy season or residence during rains’. The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney which literally means Summer Retreat. \n\nThe origin of Yarney can be traced back to Lord Buddha some 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and solely depended their sustenance on alms round. However, during summer, it was not practical for Lord Buddha and his Sangha to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours due to heavy monsoon rains.\n\nSummer was also the peak time when insects and worms would reproduce and inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. It was also common trend at that time for Non-Buddhist (Tirthikas) to criticize and accuse the Buddha’s practice of alms round, reasoning that especially during the summer walking around for alms round killed several animals and insects.\n\nSo in order to protect insects and worms being injured or killed while walking as well as crops in the fields from being crushed; or avoid injuring themselves due to the monsoon rains, flooding and displaced wildlife and also to avoid being criticized and accused by non-Buddhists for killing tiny beings, the Buddha established a rule that members of Sangha would not travel during the monsoon rains. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places (monasteries) each summer as summer or rainy season retreat. The place where "Yarney" was observed must be conducive to spiritual and mental development of the monk as one of the main object of observing "Yarney" was to practice meditation besides preaching the Dharma more often to lay devotees. The period for the retreat was determined as three months by lunar calendar and, would usually start in June or July and would continue until sometimes in September or October. Since then, there came into practice formally the precept of observing Yarney – the retreat during summer or the rainy season by Buddhists. \n\nThe Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings (through questions and answers), based on which in the later period of time that the sutras were said to have been written down.\n

The tug-of-war is widely spread throughout the world, especially in agricultural communities. The Gijisi Tug-of-War Festival is highly regarded. Held on the second weekend in April, it has a five-hundred-year history. The event, which is based on agriculture, fishery, and merchant traditions, is held to wish for prosperity and good luck for the coming year. The tug-of-war represents the agricultural, rural, and social characteristics of the region. The rope used for the event is two hundred meters long and one meter thick, so it is truly a community event. Similar tug-of-war games are also held in other nations. After creating a museum for Gijisi tug-of-war, members discovered that it could be a symbol of the region, so the local government invested into the museum. After building the museum, we wanted to expand our knowledge of tug-of-war events in other countries. In the past, there wasn’t much communication among the different communities celebrating tug-of-war festivities. However, after building the museum, we had the opportunity to invite other countries as a sort of network that allows research into other types of tug-of-war in the Asia-Pacific region. As Gijisi tug-of-war is well known, we thought that having a festival to display other cultures’ traditional tug-of-war through a networked festival. \n\nTug-of-war (juldarigi in Korean) is an intangible heritage that is commonly found in various regions across the world. In particular, it is a popular activity that takes place with the aim to foster harmony and solidarity among communities in rice-farming regions across Korea, Japan,and various Southeast Asian countries.

Noken is a traditional handicraft of the communities across Papua Province, Indonesia. Noken is a knotted net or woven bag made from wood fiber of leaves. The original function of the large noken was carrying babies, though it evolved to be employed for many other uses such as carrying and storing farm produce, seafood catches, wood, and more. The small noken is used to carry personal effects such as food or books and for covering the wearer's head or body. The people of Papua typically learn to craft noken from their parents. All raw materials used for making noken are sourced naturally, imbuing noken with a sense of harmony with nature.

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

DVD2_NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES\n\nThe four hereditary musician castes of Nepal are Damai, Gandharba, Kapali, and Badi. The most visible of these are the Damai and the Gandharba musicians. The Kapali are temple musicians and the Badi are drum makers. Damai are required to play for the goddess of the ruling class and also to play at all types of ceremonies and rites of passage, such as weddings and Bratabhandha. They perform in a group known as a panchai baajaa, which is composed of nine musicians playing seven different musical instruments representing the five universal elements of earth, water, fire, air, and sky, of which all matter and living things are composed. The tyamko represents earth, the damaha represents water, the jhurma represents fire, the dholaki represents air, and the narasingaa, sahane, and karnal represent the sky. Panchai baajaa music is believed to keep the elements in balance and harmony and to result in therapeutic musical healing. The Gandharba or Gaine caste musicians traditionally travel from village to village and door to door singing bhajan (hymns), songs from the great Hindu epics, and karkha (historical songs of heroes and bravery), but also bring news. They accompany themselves by playing saarangi.

According to statistics data in 2009, the Hmông people in Vietnam had a population of over one million people, making them one of the larger ethnic minorities in northern Vietnam. The Hmông reside mostly in the provinces of Hà Giang and Lào Cai. They have diverse folk music and folksongs. The khèn (or also known as kềnh) is an aerophonic instrument made up of six bamboo tubes of different lengths. These tubes are put through a wooden resonator. The upper part of resonator is small, connecting to another bamboo section that forms a blowing pipe. A small bronze reed is attached at the part put through the wooden resonator on each horizontal bamboo tube. The shortest and the longest bamboo tubes have two parallel reeds, producing unison sound. Pressing holes are outside the resonator. The player covers the pressing hole of the section and then blows air into it to make the reed vibrate and produce sound. Each tube creates a different sound depending on the length and size. The Hmông playing and pressing techniques include clapping, tremolo, and staccato as well as simultaneity, chord, and harmony. Kềnh of the Hmông people is a polyphony instrument with a bit cracked sound. The register of Kềnh is about an octave. The Hmông people blow the Kềnh during entertainment activities, at funerals, or on the way to the market. Traditionally, the instrument is only for men to accompany singing.

In the folksongs of Tày-Nùng in Cao Bằng, Hà lều (also called as Lượn Phủ) of the Nùng Inh people are the most attractive melodies. Hà lều is often sung during fun activities, but most commonly on the occasion of January and February—the season of festive singing—the season of lồng tồng. Hà lều is sung in pairs by alternating two men and two women. When one side stops, the other side responds immediately. If both sides respond well without interruption, the song will be very smooth. With Hà lều, we can hear that one sings with a low voice, and the other sings with a high voice, and one waits for the other person for a harmony. This is a unique feature in comparison with many other folk songs. The lyrics of Hà lều usually use a style of a seven-seven word meter poem; the fifth syllable of the second sentence must rhyme with the last syllable of the first sentence. This type of rhyme finding is a typical characteristic of Hà lều.

The northern mountainous regions are the residential land of the Kinh people and twenty-eight out of fifty-four ethnic minorities in Vietnam. This land has diverse forms of folk culture in general and folk music in particular. The CD, Folk Music of Some Ethnic Minorities in the Northern Mountainous Regions of Vietnam introduces some repertoires of folk music that were recorded in 1959 (tracks 1, 2, 5, and 7), in 1964 (tracks 10 and 15) and in 1970 (tracks 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, and 16) and performed by folk artists from minority ethnic groups, such as Thái, Tày, Nùng, Cao lan, Phù lá, Hmông, of the northern mountainous regions. Although the sound quality of the recordings isn’t that good, the materials will be valuable to history and art researchers and those who love folk music. The recordings allow listeners to compare folk art of a time that was almost isolated with the outside world with folk art of our time—the time of Internet.

Lapar performing arts, as an ancient folklore genre of people’s creation, has a rich history. Lapar songs are performed by famous artists during holidays, public festivities, and wedding parties as well as in a bride’s house in the evening during ‘Girls’ Evening’, ‘Girls’ Party’, and ‘Lapar Night’. Girls and boys perform Lapar songs composed of four-lined ghazals in two groups. Through Lapar songs, girls and boys express their love for each other, make decisions, and take oaths. They sing their heart’s grief with a certain melody but without any music. If both the girl and the boy who are singing Lapar fall in love with each other, they present gifts to one another. If the boys present flowers to girls, the girls present a kerchief, belt-kerchief, handkerchief, perfume, or some other gift.\n\nLapar songs are mainly composed of four-lined verses and are performed in the form of a dialogue between two parties. If they resemble o'lan songs from these features, they are distinguished by the ideas, literary references, descriptive objects, and the lifestyle that are sung in the lyrics- the level of thought is more highly developed by images. \n\nLapar songs were performed and became increasingly better known through the work of famous Lapar singers, such as Lutfikhonim Sarimsoqova, Tamarakhonim, Lizakhonim Petrosova, Gavkhar Rakhimova, Oykhon Yoqubova, Guishan Otaboyeva, To'khtakhon Nazarova, Qunduzkhon Egamberdiyeva, and others. To pay more attention to Lapar and o'lan songs, to collect them, to support the performers, and to publicise their creative work to the broader community, the Traditional Republican Festival of Lapar and O'lan performers is regularly conducted by the Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan.\n\n\n\n

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

Based on the ICHCAP Field Survey on Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding Efforts in some Pacific countries (2009-2013), this summary provides a brief overview on the ICH situation in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, the Cook Islands, the Marshall Islands, Tonga, Palau, Vanuatu and Federated States of Micronesia. The summary focuses mainly on ICH safeguarding systems, safeguarding policies, and ICH inventories as well as on pending issues and the urgent safeguarding needs of these countries. Moreover, information on the main entities in charge of ICH safeguarding and opinions of each country on the issue of community involvement are provided. To give a quick overview these countries’ participation in ICH safeguarding at the international level, some additional information related to UNESCO is specified as well. Apart from the main topic, information on the situation of intellectual property related to ICH safeguarding in each country is included. This survey report offers a large sample of the diverse ICH situations in Pacific countries. Each country has a different background on the issue of intangible heritage. Although all countries participating in the survey are concerned with the threats facing their ICH, most of them haven’t defined ICH and haven’t established inventory national ICH list or inventory. However, each country expresses a high degree of motivation and encouragement for safeguarding ICH, sharing experiences, and participating in international cooperation efforts. Compared to some Asian countries, Pacific countries seem to be well aware of the emerging intellectual property issues related to ICH. This might be related to the internationally publicized infringement and violation of intellectual property rights by outsiders on the Pacific’s traditional knowledge, cultural expressions, and genetic resources . Moreover, these countries appear to collaborate closely with the World Intellectual Property Organization on various awareness-raising and capacity-building activities on protecting traditional culture in a broad sense. To date, out of the eight Pacific countries participating in the survey, five countries (Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Cook Islands, Palau, and Vanuatu) are drafting laws on the protection of traditional knowledge and expressions of culture. Furthermore, in terms of technical terminology, the Pacific countries tend to use “traditional knowledge” and “expressions of culture” as equivalent terms to “intangible cultural heritage”. Pacific countries are also conducting cultural mapping projects, which is another common point that they share. Finally, the Pacific region has the highest rate of indigenous populations of any other region of the world and the highest rate of customary or traditional land ownership.\n\n- Has not ratified the ICH Convention yet; conducted survey in 2011.\n- As of May 2013, has no elements on the ICH Lists of UNESCO and no accredited NGOs.

Based on the ICHCAP Field Survey on Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding Efforts in some Pacific countries (2009-2013), this summary provides a brief overview on the ICH situation in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, the Cook Islands, the Marshall Islands, Tonga, Palau, Vanuatu and Federated States of Micronesia. The summary focuses mainly on ICH safeguarding systems, safeguarding policies, and ICH inventories as well as on pending issues and the urgent safeguarding needs of these countries. Moreover, information on the main entities in charge of ICH safeguarding and opinions of each country on the issue of community involvement are provided. To give a quick overview these countries’ participation in ICH safeguarding at the international level, some additional information related to UNESCO is specified as well. Apart from the main topic, information on the situation of intellectual property related to ICH safeguarding in each country is included. This survey report offers a large sample of the diverse ICH situations in Pacific countries. Each country has a different background on the issue of intangible heritage. Although all countries participating in the survey are concerned with the threats facing their ICH, most of them haven’t defined ICH and haven’t established inventory national ICH list or inventory. However, each country expresses a high degree of motivation and encouragement for safeguarding ICH, sharing experiences, and participating in international cooperation efforts. Compared to some Asian countries, Pacific countries seem to be well aware of the emerging intellectual property issues related to ICH. This might be related to the internationally publicized infringement and violation of intellectual property rights by outsiders on the Pacific’s traditional knowledge, cultural expressions, and genetic resources . Moreover, these countries appear to collaborate closely with the World Intellectual Property Organization on various awareness-raising and capacity-building activities on protecting traditional culture in a broad sense. To date, out of the eight Pacific countries participating in the survey, five countries (Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Cook Islands, Palau, and Vanuatu) are drafting laws on the protection of traditional knowledge and expressions of culture. Furthermore, in terms of technical terminology, the Pacific countries tend to use “traditional knowledge” and “expressions of culture” as equivalent terms to “intangible cultural heritage”. Pacific countries are also conducting cultural mapping projects, which is another common point that they share. Finally, the Pacific region has the highest rate of indigenous populations of any other region of the world and the highest rate of customary or traditional land ownership.\n\n- Has not ratified the ICH Convention yet; conducted survey in 2011\n- As of May 2013, has no elements on the ICH Lists of UNESCO and no accredited NGOs