Materials
offering
ICH Materials 117
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Seated Tugging Ritual and Game - Preparation of the offerings to the saints
Seated Tugging is practiced in the village festival of Thach Ban Ward, Long Bien District, Hanoi city.\nThis village is situated on the land along the Red River dike. The people live mainly on farming and rice cultivation, so water is extremely important. The legend of Seated Tugging is rooted in the desire for sufficient water for life and production. Thus, the saints that people worship are all related to water. Seated Tugging expresses the desire for good weather and good harvest.\nSeated Tugging is done on the ground. A rattan rope is threaded through ironwood pillars fixed to the ground. The tugging game is played by two teams (nineteen people per team) sitting on the ground. One leg is bent, the other is straight, and the heels provide the leverage to pull. The teams also have to prepare gifts of sticky rice and a pig head covered with fat to offer to the saints. Seated Tugging is a ritual and a game, played in three-round matches at the Tran Vu temple festival. There is always a winning team. According to the compact of the community, it symbolizes luck and flourishing for the year. These compacts, concepts, and conditions for participation for Seated Tugging are prescribed\nby the community and maintained from generation to generation. The value of the ritual and game has a spiritual character and also expresses cultural creativity. It is the conversion of beliefs or desires into a cultural expression of offerings, rituals, and performances, which is reflected in the behavior between the two teams, as well as between the game participators, flag keeper, and drum player. All communities participate in the ritual and game voluntarily, fairly, and without rivalry.
Viet Nam -
Shrine with multi-coloured Torma offerings
Shrine with multi-coloured Torma offerings
Bhutan -
The Worship of Hùng Kings in Phú Thọ
Altar dedicated to Hùng Kings in Trẹo Village, Hùng Sơn Town, Lâm Thao District, 2011; Photo by Từ Thị Loan; © 2011 Vietnam Institute of Culture and Arts Studies
Viet Nam -
The Worship of Hùng Kings in Phú Thọ
People of Vi Village (Hùng Sơn Town, Lâm Thao District) bear a palanquin containing the Hùng Kings’ tablet, inviting the Kings to join them for the Lunar New Year, 2011. Photo by Hoàng Sơn; © 2011 Vietnam Institute of Culture and Arts Studies.
Viet Nam
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The Wonder Woman of Wood Painting highlight
Foshan Woodblock Painting is a kind of well-known folk woodblock paintings of South China. It is mainly produced in Foshan City, Guangdong Province, Consequently it was named Foshan Woodblock Painting.\nThere has been much important research on the history of Chinese New Year pictures, but there are still different opinions on how to rescue New Year pictures from the brink of disappearance and how to fit them into the modern life. As far as Liu Zhongping can see, the revival of New Year pictures is not something that can be achieved by making one or two field visits and publishing one or two articles, but something that needs to be acted out. That is to say, it is necessary to carry out social practice that help to activate traditional culture with a focus on inheritors rather than researchers.\nIn this regard, from the “Intangible Cultural Heritage Inheritors’ Training Program” to the “Revitalization Program of Chinese Traditional Crafts” to the recent “New Year Pictures Back to Spring Festival”, some explorations and attempts have been made around the inheritance and innovation of New Year pictures. From inheritor’s study and training to holding exhibitions and cross-disciplinary dialogues, from developing experience-oriented craft courses to developing new products and expanding sales channels, under the guidance of the intangible heritage protection concepts of “Seeing People, Seeing Things, Seeing Life” and “Leading by Usage” in the new era, New Year pictures practitioners, local people and all stakeholders have gradually regained confidence in the revival of New Year pictures.\nThe first step is always the hardest. On top of a good start, further progress is needed. It’s imperative to know the sticky issues and difficulties and come up with targeted, creative and feasible solutions. As a practitioner, She takes the liberty of thinking about several key points in practice, offering advice and suggestions to practitioners and decision-makers, and hoping to contribute to the revival of New Year pictures. China has entered the twenty-first century. The social scenes that endow New Year pictures with meaning year after year have vanished. It is very difficult for us to ask people to change their house gates back to the old-fashioned style, and it is also very difficult for young people to observe the traditional festival customs. However, what we can do is not only to enshrine New Year pictures in museums, but also to keep pace with the times and find a place for New Year pictures in modern life.\nThrough her effort and hardwork, she focuses on the innovation of Foshan Woodblock Painting and meets the needs young people She updates some painitngs, such as the mobil phones shell, schoolbags, notebooks as well as painitng gift packs. By the resurrection of the gods through a number of newly designed derivatives,now the paitings are popular among the local people. And she believes her master's dream as well as hers of continuing and spreading the national intangible cultural heritages have been realized
China 2019 -
Tholpavakoothu, Shadow Puppetry
Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.
India 2019 -
Karean Harp (Nar Dane or the kind of string instrument)
The body of the harp is made of good quality Padauk wood. It is not as same as the Myanmar Harp because it is curved in the shape of the hull of a boat. The arm of the harp is made of PJn:ma (kind of large timber tree/ larger stroemiaspecion). The floral scroll-work is curved at the top of the arm and the square shape of the peg is used to tune the strings of harp. The reed of the harp is made of cutch wood. The body of young cow’s skin is covered the body of sound body. There are nine harp strings that are put on it. The creeper strings and the cane strings were yarned together as the harp strings which were used in the past time. Nowadays, steel strings are put on as the harp strings. When making the Karean harp ,first, go to the deep forest and make offering consisting of hands of bananas, coconut etc. The harp is made to be finished in the forest. Before putting the strings on it, it has to be made to gain magical power using star-flower, jasmine, the rock dammar flower, the frangipani flower, the vachellia flower (kind of fragrant flower) and the tiger-lady (species of orchid ). After making the harp, women don’t touch and hold it to make it more magical power according to Karean’s Tradition or custom.\nThe playing method of the Karean Harp is easy and simple. It can be easily learned to play by hearing musical scale up and down when the skillful player is playing it. After tuning the harp strings, it is held tenderly to the bosom. Left hand is placed with five or six strings for opening and closing tunes. The rest of one to four strings have to be played with the right thumb and forefinger.
Myanmar 2014-07-09 -
Hela Weda Mahima: The Glory of Indigenous Medicine in Sri Lanka_Beth varam ganima
Indigenous Medicine of Sri Lanka (Hela Wedakama) is an ancient wisdom tradition of healthcare and healing practices inherited by cultural heritage unique to native people. Indigenous medical knowledge and practices dispersed throughout the country are culture-bound repository of ancestral wisdom prevailed through generations. HELA WEDA MAHIMA is a sector-specific ICH production that presents most of ICH elements pertaining to livelihoods and craftsmanship associated with indigenous medical sector. Therefore selection of captions and stories should be very authentic and genuine to represent the heritage of culture and traditional identities of indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka. \n\nBeth varam ganima.\nPractitioners believe that they should get the permission from divine forces before initiate preparing medicine and they offer oblations for the sake of protection and better efficacy of the medicine. For this ritual they select an auspicious day and a time for offering the oblations with special recitations. These kinds of ICH practices significantly show the connection of nature with culture.
Sri Lanka 2018-02-19
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Percussion and Performance - Drumming Traditions
CD8_PERCUSSION AND PERFORMANCE – DRUMMING TRADITIONS\n\nPercussion and drumming traditions are found all over India. A wide variety of drums and other percussive instruments are played in a variety of contexts, and frequently have ritual implications. This album presents two very different traditions: the tayampaka temple drumming of Kerala, and the dhol-damau of Uttarakhand, a combination that is used in various contexts in this mountain region. Both percussion traditions are forms of ritual drumming. Tayampaka is a genre of temple musical instrument art performed throughout North and Central Kerala. It can be performed on a variety of instruments but is most well known as a centa (tow headed cylindrical stick drum) composition usually played by marars, a temple drummer singer caste. It is one of the forms of the chenda melam or chenda ensemble. Though tayampaka is mainly performed as part of temple rituals it is also played in other contexts. As a temple ritual, the drumming is considered an offering to the gods or goddesses. In all the tracks presented here, a vocal performance is featured with the drumming. The tayampaka tracks were recorded by Rolf Groesbeck and are part of his collection. The dhol-damau of Garhwal in Uttarakhand is a twodrum ensemble. Though the double-barrel drum may be played by itself, the damau is never played on its own. The dhol is played while standing. \n\nThe drummer uses the left hand to strike the left head of the drum while a stick is used in the right hand. A variety of strokes are used on both drum heads. The dhol is known for its power and sanctity in all parts of India, including the Garhwal region. The damau is a shallow kettle drum that is heard almost exclusively in partnership with the dhol at outdoor rituals and entertainment events. The damau is played with two thick sticks slightly curved at the playing end. The dhol is considered female and the damau male. The term baje is used for the various drumming patterns. The dhol-damau performances presented in this album are related to the Pandav Lila ritual theatre and dancing of Garhwal in Uttarakhand. Actors take the role of the Pandavas from the Mahabharata epic which is acted out in the open. As they act, the performers get possessed by the spirit of the characters they are playing and begin to dance. Drumming is known to bring in a state of possession. There are specific baje (rhythmic patterns) for the various characters of the Pandav Lila. The tracks presented in this album are demonstrations, where the various baje are elicited and not part of an ongoing Pandav Lila performance where these patterns would not be audible. The tracks presented here were recorded by Andrew Alter as part of his research on the Pandav Lila. The audio was extracted from video recordings that were digitized for this project.
India 2016 -
Sacred Chants of Nepal
CD5_SACRED CHANTS OF NEPAL\n\nIt is believed that all spiritual chants are addressed to Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses. Chanting helps people to be aware that the past is gone, that the future has yet to come, and that one can only be sure of the present moment and should act accordingly. People chant to wish for goodness for all beings and to ask God to lead them from darkness to light, from mortal life to immortality, from falsehood to truth, and towards universal brother and sisterhood. One’s life should be dedicated to God's service, offering kindness to all creatures, and always to putting others' needs before one’s own aspirations, hoping to one day attain anandam.
Nepal 2016 -
Kartatak Classical Instrumental Music-nagaswaram Performance by Kottur Rajrathnam Pillai
CD9_KARTATAK CLASSICAL INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC – NAGASWARAM PERFORMANCE BY KOTTUR RAJRATHNAM PILLAI\n\nKottur N. Rajarathnam is a master of the south Indian conical-shaped reedpipe with a double reed known as the n ā gasvaram (Sanskrit; Tamil spelling: n ā kacuram ) or n ā dasvaram . He leads an ensemble of musicians known as periya m ēḷ am (Tamil, “the big ensemble”), which for centuries has been producing auspicious music ideal for offering to the gods and for enabling a joyous ambiance at weddings and other important life-cycle events. Indeed, at weddings and the events surrounding the actual wedding ceremony, the periya mēḷam is expected to accompany women who sing traditional songs for the each stage of the wedding. The ensemble is at its best when performing at night on the streets surrounding the major temples, as the instruments are ideal for an outdoor setting. Temple musicians and a visiting ensemble often perform as part of temple activities and all-night street processions, and indoors for concerts and at weddings and other life-cycle events. \n\nPlayers carefully modulate their tone to suit the acoustics of indoor spaces. Accompanying Kottur Rajarathnam is a second nāgasvaram player, shadowing his playing and helping to maintain the continuity of the performance. He is a skilled master drummer, who plays the tavil (sometimes known as tavul ). He plays this double-skin barrel drum with a beater in the left hand and the four fingertips of the right hand covered by thimbles, producing a characteristically bright, sharply percussive range of sounds. The tavil matches the nāgasvaram in brightness of sound, volume, and penetrating tone. The t āḻ am (small hand cymbals made of bell metal) marks the rhythmic cycle being performed and a free-reed bellowspumped drone box, the curutipe ṭṭ i (Tamil, “drone box”), produces the necessary tonal reference for the nāgasvaram. Since the mid-twentieth century, the instrumentation of the periya mēḷam has undergone changes. Perhaps most significantly, the pitch of the nāgasvaram and of the tavil has been lowered. The nāgasvaram and tavil became larger to produce a deeper sound. In this recording, Kottur Rajarathnam and his ensemble play four rāgas, including four kirtanas (a devotional song genre) and three kinds of improvisation characteristic of Karṇāṭak music. Improvisation in Karṇāṭak music can be understood as unmetered melodic improvisation and as metered improvisation following the performance of the compositions. The unmetered improvisation heard here is known as ā l ā pana (Sanskrit, “conversation”) and is unmetered melodic exploration of a rāga. The two kinds of metered improvisation heard here are svara kalpana (“note imagination”) and tavil solo improvisation. Svara kalpana is played after the composition has been concluded. It consists of sequential passages of svara (“note”) playing that develop from short, relatively slow passages to longer passages at faster speeds. Though they might not all start from the same position relative to the tāḷa cycle, each of the each svara kalpana passages concludes with a return to a selected phrase of the composition. For his performance, Kottur Rajarathnam selected three songs by Tyagarāja. This comes as no surprise, as this outstanding composer left a plethora of compositions ranging from short pieces for religious congregational singing to the most sophisticated and erudite compositions. He is also well known for having produced standalone compositions in rare rāgas, such as the composition in rāga vāgadīśvarī in this album. Tyagarāja (b. Tiruvaiyyār, 1767-1847) was a saintly brāhmaṇ composer. His family was from Andhra Pradesh but settled in Tañjāvūr. His grandfather Girirāja was a poet and musician at the court of the maharāja of Tañjāvūr. Tyagarāja composed kirtanas in his mother tongue, Telugu, as well as in Sanskrit. He is revered by musicians and music-lovers as one of three great contemporary composers, whose brilliance and popularity have almost obscured the music and achievements of their predecessors. In the popular mind, Tyagarāja is the most prominent of all Karṇāṭak musicians and his annual memorial celebrations ( ā r ā dhana) attract hundreds of musicians, thousands of audience members, and even more listeners through the broadcast media. His life story was made into a film and numerous bhāgavatars continue to re-tell versions of his life replete with his compositions. His charisma and his exceptional musical repertoire was passed down with succeeding generations of singers and instrumentalists who have polished his works. His pieces have even penetrated the repertoire of dancers attracted by the music, even though his compositions were not originally intended for dance, though he did write several music dramas. Tyagarāja unequivocally rejected the offers of position as a court musician as he was completely averse to singing the praises of mere mortals—something court musicians were obliged to do. Instead he lived an austere life, composing as an expression of religious devotion ( bhakti ), especially to his beloved Rāma. The kirtana form that Tyagarāja favored had two or three sections. \n\nAll the kirtanas in this album have three sections: pallavi, anupallavi, and caraṇam. In the pallavi the semantic theme of the composition is stated, though this is not apparent when an instrumentalist performs. The anupallavi develops the raga and moves the melodic range higher up the scale to the higher octave. After the anupallavi, the pallavi is repeated as a refrain. The caraṇam usually moves into the middle range and often explores the lower octave. The pallavi refrain is repeated to conclude the performance. A common feature in many of Tyagaraja’s kirtanas is the repetition of the anupallavi melody as the second half of the usually longer caraṇam. These audio recordings are extracted from the collection of video recordings made by Yoshitaka Terada, a wellknown scholar of the Nagaswaram who has written extensively on the topic.
India 2016
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Celebrating Festivals During a Global PandemicNepal was famously referred to as “the land where there are nearly as many temples as houses and as many idols as inhabitants” by Sir William Kirkpatrick in his book Account of the mission to Nepaul in 1811 CE. This quote holds testimony to the numerous festivals celebrated throughout the year until today to commemorate these idols and temples. Since the seventh century CE, one such ancient festival has had continuity to relieve Kathmandu Valley from a long drought. The god being appeased in this festival was Matsyendranath, the god of rain, from which the festival received its name Rato Matsyendranath Jatra.\n\nAccording to legend, the drought was relieved by bringing a Matsyendranath from Kamarup-Kamakhya (now in east India). The king sent his team—the priest Bandhudatta, a farmer, and the serpent king Karkotaka. The entourage returned successfully and entered the valley through Bungamati, where the locals greeted them with much adoration and built a temple for the serpent king to reside. However, being from Patan, the farmer insisted on having the residence of the deity at Patan too. Since then, the festival has been celebrated in Patan and Bugamati without interruption.\n\nThis festival is celebrated just before the monsoon season (mid-April to May) as a harbinger of the rains. The festivity extends over a month and is the longest among the many festivals Nepalis celebrate. Astrologers are consulted for the events involved in this festival. The local community constructs an elaborate eighteen-meter-tall wooden chariot, which is assembled and dismantled annually. The deity is placed in the chariot on a throne, and the indigenous inhabitants of Kathmandu Valley pull the chariot around Patan. As the chariot rests at various locations, locals venerate the deity, offering incenses, flowers, and other items. Some people light oil lamps to ask for the general well-being of their families. The priest escorting the deity inside the chariot hands out flowers and fruit to devotees. The light from the lamps makes the chariot glow. In the evening, people invite extended families and friends and indulge in a feast of traditional food and drinks and merrymaking. After completing the tour, the deity is carried in a palanquin to its second home at Bungamati.\n\nThis year, the global pandemic changed the events of this festival. The government, rightly prioritizing citizens’ health, requested the organizing communities to cancel the festival. However, the organizers were keen to celebrate at least a low-key festival because the initial processes had already begun. Furthermore, they opined that the festival was celebrated to overcome a disaster in the past, so it should continue to avoid further tragedies. The public, impatient with the chariot festival’s delay, forcefully started pulling the chariot, disregarding social-distancing measures ordered by the state. The sight of a large mob would entice the police to use force to disperse the crowd, leading to a violent clash. The organizing committee decided to make a symbolic movement of the chariot. All other festival activities were canceled, so a ritual will be conducted to ask the god for forgiveness for the mishaps of the festival.\n\nThis is a very unpleasant situation, which could be handled better by the state. A similar chariot festival in Kathmandu, Kumari Jatra, which falls around August, was not celebrated on a joint decision of the state and the organizers. However, at Patan, the situation was slightly different; the initial rituals had already commenced before COVID 19. The government should have regarded the people’s commitment to providing continuity to ICH even during such times of crisis.\n\nNepal is known for having more festivals than the number of days in a year. If the state had been more diplomatic, it could have set an example to the world by celebrating all festivals in the presence of only the concerned people and authorities while broadcasting a live telecast for people all over Nepal and globally. With such negligence by the state, festivals and other ICH of a country can be lost.\n\nPhoto : Armed Police Force stand guard in front of the chariot of Deity Rato Machindranath. Skanda Gautam/THTYear2020NationNepal
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Significance of the Month of Shrawan in NepalThe Nepali annual calendar is full of life and filled with celebrations and festivals enjoyed by communities from different castes, ethnicities, and religions. Shrawan (July/August), the fourth month of the Nepali calendar, reflects greenery in the environment and in the lifestyle of women.\n\nThe entire month of Shrawan is dedicated to Lord Shiva, the supreme deity in Hinduism. Devotees offer their prayers and seek blessings from Shiva for success, prosperity, and a better conjugal life. Shrawan is filled with religious celebrations.\n\nLegend\nIt is said that samundra manthan (the churning of the ocean) took place during Shrawan. Through that process, a number of valuable rubies emerged from the sea along with the halahal (a deadly poison with the potential to destroy the world). Lord Shiva came to the rescue by consuming the poison himself. It is believed that his neck turned blue due to the poison’s toxic effects, thus earning him the name Nilkantha (the one with a blue throat). The other gods came to help Lord Shiva using the water from the Ganges. He wore crescent moon over his head to reduce the effect of poison and maintains the temperature of his body. It is also believed that Lord Indra came to help by showering him with rain to reduce his body temperature. This is why water (particularly of the Ganges), leaves of the bel plant (bilva leaves), and milk are offered to Lord Shiva during Shrawan to earn good fortune.\n\nFasting and Bolbam\nShrawan is one of the most sacred months of the year in the Nepali calendar, and people devote themselves to religious activities. Although devotees visit temples regularly, it is believed that offering prayers on Mondays during Shrawan has special significance. People perform pilgrimages, also known as bolbam, barefoot and in orange attire to bring pure water from the holy river and offer it in temples to Lord Shiva. There are different practices of fasting. Some avoid grains, salt, oils, and spices on this particular day only, whereas others avoid meat, garlic, onion, and ginger for an entire month. Mostly Hindu women and girls continue fasting during this month. A married woman observes a fast for their husband’s healthy life while unmarried women do so in the hope of finding a better life partner.\n\nHenna and Bangles\nNepali women and girls are often seen wearing green and orange attire, hennas, and bangles to mark this month. Nepalese markets are filled with brightly colored accessories and apparel for the whole month. The green color signifies not only the cultural spirit but also the environment, which is verdant after the monsoon season. Married women can be seen wearing colorful glass bead necklaces, known as potay, a symbol of marriage in the Hindu culture. The potay is an important piece gifted by a groom to his bride during the wedding ceremony.\n\nPhoto 1 : A holy pilgrimage bolbam ⓒ Riwaj Rai\nPhoto 2 : Bangles and glass beads necklace potay ⓒ Smriti Rai\nPhoto 3 : Henna ⓒMamta AcharyaYear2019NationNepal