VI00001345

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

23:17mins
Bhutan 2024

VI00001344

Ca Tru art/ Ca Tru. Ca Tru has many different names such as hat a dao, hat cua dinh, hat cua quyen, hat co dau, hat nha to, hat nha tro and hat ca cong..., is a type of art with a strong "chamber" character, with a smooth and high-level coordination between poetry, music and sometimes dance and performance. Currently, Ca Tru art is present in 14 provinces and cities in Vietnam including: Hanoi, Phu Tho, Vinh Phuc, Bac Ninh, Hai Duong, Hung Yen, Hai Phong, Thai Binh, Nam Dinh, Thanh Hoa, Nghe An, Ha Tinh, Quang Binh and Ho Chi Minh City. Mao Dien commune's ca tru club currently has 9 members, gathered and introduced from people who know how to practice ca tru in other communes. Key members participating in practicing ca tru include: Ms. Ninh Thi Chinh (born in 1956, Club President); Ms. Nguyen Thi Hong Hai (born in 1964); Ms. Nguyen Thi Chuyen (born in 1965); Ms. Nguyen Thi Ngát (born in 1977); Mr. Nguyen Dinh Thu (born in 1967); Mr. Nguyen Van Khoi (born in 1957). Ca Tru is a long-standing, unique art form with special significance in the Vietnamese music treasure. In the past, Ca Tru was tightly organized into guilds and guild teachers, managed by guild leaders and quan giap. Participating in a Ca Tru performance, there were at least 3 singers: "dao nuong" or "ca nuong" - singing in spoken style and beating clappers to keep the rhythm; a "kep dan" - playing a stone instrument and a "quan vien" - playing the Chau drum. Ca Tru began to flourish in the 15th century and has had ups and downs throughout history, even at times facing the risk of being forgotten and lost. After 15 years, since UNESCO recognized Ca Tru as an Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Protection (in 2009), Ca Tru art in Hai Duong province in particular has initially overcome the risk of loss. However, Ca Tru still faces many difficulties and challenges to affirm its strong vitality. Preserving the art of Ca Tru is very difficult due to the nature of the profession, which is kept secret according to the traditional oral tradition of the ancient artisans. In Hai Duong province (now Hai Phong city), up to now, the traditional art of Ca Tru has not attracted the attention of young people. Maintaining teaching and performing at Ca Tru clubs also has difficulties and limitations. The project proposes to implement measures to protect and promote the heritage of Ca Tru art through a case study of "Ca Tru Club of Mao Dien commune, Hai Phong city" for the following reasons: (1) The Ca Tru Club of Cam Giang district was established in 2003 with 20 members, but up to now, most of the seniors have passed away, many old and weak people cannot follow. (2) After 21 years, the club currently has 9 people participating in learning to sing, play, practice, perform and teach the art of Ca Tru. In particular, the club director has only practiced less than 10 ca tru songs, the players and the drum officials have not yet mastered them. Other members aged 50 to 60 are also learning to sing 1 to 2 songs. The next generation, the youngest member of the club, born in 1977, has also passed middle age, and has not yet found young talents, especially students in the district who are passionate about learning to sing ca tru. The Cam Giang district ca tru club is still facing the risk of fading away and being lost.

2:38 minutes
Southeast Asia,Vietnam 31/1

In Bhutan the phallus is an integral part of festivals and rituals observed by diverse part of Bhutanese communities. Basically, originated from folk belief yet, sometimes, such symbolism is used by Atsaras (Skt. Acharaya: scholar and enlightened spiritual masters), that normally appears as a clown holding a wooden phallus and even acts lunatic symbolize a realized, profound and no conceptulisation of human activities and belief of shame, embracement and appeasement etc.. We see them tied with the wooden dagger and hung from the four corners of the houses, nailed above the entrance, painted on the walls and carved on wood. Numerous terms are used to express its significance or meaning. For instance, Kharam shing or Mikha, means a piece of wood to counter the evil tongue or eye and curse. Kharam or Wangchuk Chenpo, Gulang in Merak and Sakten dialect which is a reference to Lord Shiva’s potency Wangchuk Chenpo, pho tag (male symbol) of Lord Shiva, or simply Zur shing, meaning a piece of wood that hangs from the eaves. There are festivals like; Bonkor, Chha and many other shamanistic associated festivals and rituals.

1 min
Bhutan

VI00001342

Although the boot making craft (Lhamzo) is quite old in Bhutan, its origin is difficult to trace. The traditional knee length boots are made from leather using threads made from yak hair. Today, the boots are made of both leather and cloth, which is hand stitched (lagtshem) and embroidered with colourful patterns. The traditional boots come in different colour patterns to denote the ranks of officials. It is mostly worn during the official functions. This dying art has now been revived with the government’s prerequisite for all the officials having to wear tsho lham when attending official functions. Bhutan’s traditional footwear is a kind of boot worn as high as the knee, the upper, cloth part of which is then held and tied by a narrow strap below the knee. Dra-lham, thru-lham karchung and tshoglham are three different types of traditional footwear and form an important part of Bhutanese national costume. Dra-lham are worn by the senior monks in the monasteries. They are similar to tshoglham but red in colour. Thru-lham karchung derives its name from the white colour of the ben (section just above the ankle) which is highly visible from a distance. The traditional boot worn by the general public is called tshoglham. The thil or sole of the boot used to be made from hard leather, but these days tshoglham usually have rubber soles. Above the sole, two layers of red and white leather (or rubber) make the drilden. Above the drilden is the ri karchu, on which comes the ben in different colours. The ben, is yellow, orange, red, blue or green according to the official position of the wearer. Yellow ben is reserved only for the king and the head abbot (the Je Khenpo); orange is for ministers, red is for senior officials, blue is for members of parliament (both houses) and green is for the general public. The cloth part above the ben is generally black or blue silk brocade. It is mandatory to wear thru-lham or tshoglham as a part of formal national dress during any formal occasions.

15 Min
Bhutan 2025

VI00001340

In Bhutan, Trashi Tagye or the Eight Lucky Signs; Dug (The Parasol), Bumpa (The Vase), Dungkar (The Conch), Ser-nya (The Golden Fish), Pema (The Lotus), Palbheu (The Knot of Eternity), Gyaltshen (The Banner of Victory) and Khorlo (The Dharma Wheel) are considered auspicious. It is believed that the gods in Tusheeta Heaven had offered these objects to Gautama Buddha after he attained enlightenment. Hence, they are considered as signs of good fortune. They are painted everywhere

10minutes
Bhutan 20/7

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The tradition of Karabayir horse care in Uzbekistan represents an integral part of the country and heritage.

03:51
Uzbekistan

VI00001337

TEST_JINSOL

2222
Republic of Korea

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Nyonya beadwork and embroidery are intricate craft forms associated with the Peranakan community, and can be found in decorations for everyday household items, as well as more ornamental pieces for special occasions such as weddings. Nyonya beadwork uses coloured glass and metal seed beads that are 1mm to 2mm in diameter. The most commonly used beads are the rocaille (round beads with no flat sides) and charlotte (facet-cut) glass seed beads. They are often used together. They may be stitched individually (seed or petit-point stitching), strung on a thread that is fastened on the fabric with a second thread (bead couching), or sewn to the fabric one or two at a time (lane stitching). Mr Raymond Wong, from Rumah Kim Choo, shares on the practice of Peranakan beadwork in Singapore.

3:22
Singapore

VI00001333

The tradition of doira performance in Uzbekistan is an integral part of the nation’s musical heritage and identity. The doira is a circular frame drum made from a wooden rim covered with leather, often fitted with metal rings or jingles. It produces a wide range of tones and rhythmic effects, serving as both a solo and accompanying instrument. In Uzbek culture, doira is played in various contexts: to accompany classical music genres such as maqom and ashula, at weddings and festive gatherings, and as a key rhythmic foundation in folk dances. Master performers develop a deep understanding of usul (rhythmic cycles), improvisation, and expressive performance techniques. Beyond its musical role, the doira represents the artistry, craftsmanship, and communal traditions of Uzbekistan, uniting people in celebration and cultural expression.

10:51
Uzbekistan

VI00001332

Lazgi is the most popular Khoresm dance, which is energetic and full of passion. It is performed equally by both male and female dancers. "Lazgi" dance was usually accompanied by instrumental and dancy melodies. Although song versions of "lazgi" (which use various poetic texts) became widespread later on, the nature and character of melody remained the same. There are several versions of "lazgi" dance. These are: dance on a tray, dance on a brick, solo as well as group dance. In these, refined dance movements are replaced consequently by passionate and accelerated dance. The dance starts from steady movements of fingers of one hand and then another. Then simultaneously and slowly includes entire torso. The tempo gets accelerated and dancers snap fingers in time with dance with the help of stone castanets. In a group dance each participant dances in his or her own style. In ensemble. This recording also includes an interview with the dancer, who shares personal insights about the meaning of Lazgi, its cultural significance, and the emotions expressed through its movements. The interview adds a unique perspective to the visual performance.

4:50
Uzbekistan

VI00001331

Tebe-tebe is one of the most widely practiced and deeply cherished traditional dances in Timor-Leste. Rooted in communal identity and spiritual expression, it is performed during a wide range of ceremonies—rituals of healing and harvest, weddings, sacred house gatherings (uma lulik), and commemorative events that bring entire communities together. At its core, tebe-tebe is a line or circle dance performed by groups of people—often with women and men linking arms or shoulders—who step and sway in unison to the beat of traditional instruments like the babadok (a hand-held drum). The movements are deliberately grounded and rhythmic, characterized by stomping feet, subtle sways, and communal gestures that convey strength, connection, and balance. The dance is accompanied by chanted songs, usually performed in a call-and-response style. These songs are often rich in metaphor, addressing themes of unity, gratitude, remembrance, or negotiation with the spirit world. The lyrics, sung in Tetun or other local languages, carry encoded histories, ancestral teachings, and emotional expressions that elevate the dance beyond entertainment into the realm of cultural storytelling. Tebe-tebe plays a vital role in moments of social and spiritual transition. It may be performed to welcome guests, to celebrate a marriage, to honor the dead, or to invoke protection and blessing during a harvest ceremony such as sau-batar. In each case, the dance serves to activate communal energy and connect the visible world with the ancestral realm. The inclusive nature of the dance—performed by people of all ages and social backgrounds—reflects its egalitarian spirit. It is not restricted to professional dancers or experts; rather, it is meant to be shared, learned through observation and participation from a young age. In many villages, elders pass on the steps and songs during festivals and ceremonies, and school programs and cultural centers are increasingly incorporating tebe-tebe into youth education to ensure its survival. While variations exist across regions, the essence of tebe-tebe remains consistent: it is a dance of the people, by the people, and for the people. In its rhythm and repetition, the community finds both cohesion and catharsis—expressing sorrow, joy, solidarity, and reverence through a single, unified movement. Today, tebe-tebe continues to evolve. It is performed not only in rural rituals but also on national stages, international cultural events, and heritage festivals. And while some modern adaptations have emerged, the traditional forms are still held with deep respect, especially by elders who carry the memory of its ceremonial power. In every echo of the babadok and every synchronized step of the dancers, tebe-tebe tells a timeless story—of a people connected to one another, to their ancestors, and to the living land they call home.

15:36
Timor-Leste 2024

VI00001330

In the communities of Viqueque, particularly among the Tetun-Terik-speaking people, fai-akar—the production of sago flour from the akar palm—is not merely a method of food preparation; it is a cultural ceremony that blends labor, rhythm, and collective identity. At the heart of this tradition is the Tali-Bole dance, a dynamic performance woven seamlessly into the act of pounding sago, transforming a daily task into a vibrant expression of heritage. The process of making fai-akar begins with harvesting the inner pith of the akar palm tree, which is then ground and washed to extract starch. This labor-intensive task is done in groups, mostly by women, using long wooden pestles to pound the fiber in large mortars. But what sets this practice apart is the way pounding becomes performance: the coordinated movement of the pestles rises and falls to the beat of chanting and drumming, and the Tali-Bole dance emerges from the rhythm of the work itself. Dancers move in synchrony with the pounding, often stepping in and out of the work line, twirling or waving cloth, and responding to sung verses. The term tali-bole can be interpreted in various ways—some connect it to the image of “binding cords,” others to the swinging motion of the pestles themselves—but in all meanings, it emphasizes connection, unity, and the shared pulse of community labor. Songs sung during the pounding and dancing are passed down orally and are rich in metaphor and memory. One of the most well-known verses, Lakaleok, is sung toward the end of the session, signaling closure and expressing gratitude. These lyrics often tell stories of ancestors, landscapes, and social values, ensuring that cultural knowledge is preserved even in the most practical of activities. Traditionally, fai-akar and Tali-Bole were performed during rites of passage, funerals, house inaugurations, and communal feasts. Participation was seen not only as a contribution of labor but as an affirmation of cultural belonging. The rhythmic beat of the pestles and the voices of the singers created a space where work, ritual, and performance blended into one. Although the practice remains alive in some villages, it faces growing challenges. The availability of processed food, the decline of communal labor traditions, and the migration of youth to urban areas have all contributed to its reduced presence. Yet, in places where it continues, fai-akar and Tali-Bole are embraced as sources of pride, often featured at cultural festivals and heritage events to showcase the strength and creativity of traditional life. To witness Tali-Bole is to see cultural memory in motion—where hands work, feet dance, and voices carry the wisdom of generations. In every stomp and song, the community reaffirms its bond with the land, its past, and one another.

5:53
Timor-Leste 2024